好的試點

好的試點



【明報專訊】被稱為「中國CNN」的官方新華社主辦國際新聞電視台「中國國際電視台」（CITV）將於明天(按：11月18日）開始試播。

官員說，這個預計將全天播出的衛星電視頻道，試圖以中國觀點報道全球新聞，「而不是西方的視角」。

不過分析人士向英國廣播公司 (BBC)中文網指出，中國的新聞報道仍受到政府嚴格的控制和審查，官方宣傳的背景很難說服西方的觀眾，這也成為中國媒體走向世界的「瓶頸」。

相較於之前中國《環球時報》推出英文版、中國中央電視台阿拉伯、俄語頻道的開播，新華社對即將推出的新聞電視台則顯得低調許多，即使開播前夕，「新華網」也沒有預告。

但BBC表示，新華社的籌備工作仍在緊鑼密鼓地進行，電視台11月6日至8日不斷進行試線，滾動播出新聞。電視台稱，將提供「第一時間的實地報道」、「依靠新華社的權威信息資源和分布全球的記者站，提供獨特的分析報道視角。」

報道引述北京一名監管媒體官員表示，正如半島電視台之於阿拉伯世界的視角，「中國國際電視台將從中國的角度報道全球新聞，而不是西方的視角。」

中國國際電視台開播後首先以中文播報，預定明年1月再推出英語新聞，播出地區則是先亞太後歐美，最後將以24小時滾動方式播出中國及國際新聞。

據悉，中國中央政府斥資人民幣450億元，要求新華社、央視等中央級新聞單位，打造出具有國際影響力的新媒體，要中國的聲音在國際舞台上「擲地有聲」。

【明報專訊】由新華社主辦、被稱為「中國CNN」的「中國國際電視台」（CITV）今起試播(按：11月18日）。報道稱，這個預計將全天候播放的衛星電視頻道，會以中國的角度報道全球新聞。

英國廣播公司 （BBC）中文網報道稱，與有英語新聞時段的央視第9頻道（CCTV9）相比，CITV是「全新聞」電視頻道，開播後會首先採用中文報道，預定明年1月再推出英語新聞，播放地區是先亞太後歐美，並以24小時滾動形式報道中國及國際新聞。

跳出西方視角看全球
相較於之前中共機關報《人民日報》屬下《環球時報》推出英文版，及央視阿拉伯和俄語頻道的啟播，今次新華社推出新聞電視台則顯得低調，即使試播前夕也沒有任何預告。本報昨日登入新華網查閱，亦未見有關於電視台啟播的消息或屬於電視台的網頁。

電視台曾於11月6日至8日就滾動播放新聞進行測試，BBC引述北京一名監管媒體官員表示：「中國國際電視台將從中國的角度報道全球新聞，而不是西方的視角」。

官方背景恐難說服觀眾
早前，中國政府斥資450億元人民幣，要求新華社、央視等中央級新聞單位，打造出具有國際影響力的新媒體，要中國聲音在國際舞台「擲地有聲」。但有分析認為，中國的新聞報道仍受到政府嚴格控制和審查，官方的背景很難說服西方觀眾，這也是中國媒體走向國際的「瓶頸」。



去年西藏的動亂、跟著的奧運聖火全球傳遞 Touch Relay、今年的維吾爾自治區暴亂，受到境外傳媒歪曲報報導，錯誤報導，惡意報導，相信是催生了 CITV 「中國國際電視台」，一個以中國觀點報道全球新聞，「而不是西方的視角」。


無疑一看到，就令人想起，中國一貫的新聞審查，還有的是 CITV 有濃厚官方背景，需要建立公信力，有待觀察。


對以往中國在外國人交往活動中，沒有一個能迅速反應的界面，繕釋中國觀點，失去主動權，成為被動角色。加上以前中國對國內消息，採取報喜不報憂，樣樣都蓋著掩著，令人感到存在著不可告人之事，在道德層面上，先輸了一著，再因為遲來一步，已經先入為主成見，要改變既有的成見實在絕不容易。


CITV是「全新聞」電視頻道，開播後會首先採用中文報道，預定明年1月再推出英語新聞，播放地區是先亞太後歐美，並以24小時滾動形式報道中國及國際新聞。


向全世界全球廣播 global broadcast，第一時間以中國觀點，報道全球新聞「而不是西方的視角」，就需要借助衛星，但不是所有潛在觀眾 potential viewers，都有直接接收衛星訊號裝置，要入得到屋，就先需要有“落地權”，然後再經本地 local 的網絡，廣播或窄播出去，才能入屋入戶。


亞太地區的落地權，已經是得來不易，CCTV 在很多亞太國家已經可以看到，CCTV 在歐美要到最近年才有得看到，但只限於多中國旅客入住的酒店旅社，並未能普及到，入到每家每戶。如今 CITV 這個頻道，能否都能夠得到落地權呢？因為 CITV是「中國觀點而不是西方的視角」，這就存在政治因素。


亞太國家基于政治考慮，會否給予 CITV 落地權，已是未知之數。歐洲美洲的國家基于本身利益著想，CITV根本就是妄想能得到落地權，而且衛星訊號可能受到政府干擾，令縱有接收衛星裝置的歐美家庭，都沒能夠收看得到 CITV。在沒有能夠第一時間，作出中國觀點而不是西方的視角報導，甚麼也是枉然徒然的。


我時在我的意見中，都指出絕大部份在亞太歐美的 civilians 平民百姓，都是好心腸的好爸爸好媽媽好兒好女，他們接收到本土錯誤和歪曲了的報導，聽到中國西藏有藏民遭到拘捕，看到新疆維吾爾地區有維吾爾人在暴亂中死亡，還以為中國又攪《天安門事件》重演。


CITV 是一個好的試點，一方面能讓中國國內，省市鄉鎮級的領導們認識到，說明事實真相，具有透明度比報喜不報憂有效，樣樣都蓋著掩著，會令人感到存在著不可告人之事，在道德層面上，先輸了一著。但 CITV 沒能得到落地權，就會因為遲來一步，觀眾已經存在先入為主成見，要改變既有的成見實在絕不容易。還有建立公信力，也是一個需要長時間的奮闘目標。


最後，”做“總比”不做“好，為 CITV 爭取”落地權“，要看看中央政府了，可以在亞太歐美的旅社酒店看得到 CITV，已是很好的成績，在亞太歐美能做到入屋入戶，這相信祇可以是個幻想。


伸延閱覽：
「中國CNN」CITV 開始試播 雅虎新聞網
「中國CNN」CITV 低調試播 新華社主辦報道全球新聞 雅虎新聞網

Twenty Twelve 2012

Twenty Twelve 2012



由早在五六月已經留意到這部電影，佢個名大大大到無有，是《天煞地球反擊戰》的導演 Roland Emmerich，繼《明日之後》，再有今秋的《2012 末日預言》。但為何不排在暑期上映呢？距離美國的感恩節檔期，又剛好早了兩星期，又不等到聖誕節才上映，意謂何事呢？心中一直存著這個疑問！


英文片名沒有英文字母，祇是簡簡短短的 2012，是指兩年多一些之後的“二零一二年十二月冬至”發生的事情。港譯：2012 末日預言 Trailers & Clips


地球末日的預言，千百年來存在已久，聖經中有《啟示錄》，本片是借 2012 phenomenon 2012年人類滅亡說 借題發揮，信者則有，不信者則無！


【維基百科】The 2012 phenomenon comprises a range of beliefs and proposals positing that cataclysmic or transformative events will occur in the year 2012. The forecast is based primarily on what is said to be the end-date of the Mayan Long Count calendar, which is presented as lasting 5,125 years and as terminating on December 21 or 23, 2012 Winter Solstice.

一些 21世紀初的神秘學雜誌上，報道有關瑪雅日歷第四周期將於 2012年冬至日終結的預言。預測主要是根據對瑪雅日曆中對本周期終結的記述，並將於 2012年 12月 21日到 23日之間終止世界的證據。

圖片來源：維基百科

Starring:
John Cusack Jackson Curtis 爸爸，Amanda Peet Kate Curtis 媽媽，Liam James Noah Curtis 哥哥，Morgan Lily Lilly Curtis 妹妹，Tom McCarthy Gordon Silberman 媽媽男友，Chiwetel Ejiofor Adrian Helmsley 地質學家，Jimi Mistry Satnam Tsurutani 地質學家印度友人，Danny Glover President Thomas Wilson 總統先生，Thandie Newton Laura Wilson 總統女兒，Oliver Platt Carl Anheuser 幕僚長，Woody Harrelson Charlie Frost 末日信徒，Zlatko Buric Yuri Karpov 俄國億萬富豪，Beatrice Rosen Tamara 富豪女友。


Directors：
Roland Emmerich

故事：
簡單過簡單，地質學家和他的印度友人，發現地心的異變，地球板塊將會大幅移動，災難性的地裂、地震、地動，引發超巨型海嘯，將會毀滅人類。地質學家透過白宮幕僚長，通知總統先生，被委以重任，監察災難的時間進度表。


以美國為首的拯救人類計劃，包括保存文物和地球生物植物，策劃災難後重建人類文明，各國秘密在中國的西藏高原，建造三隻巨型鐵甲『方舟』。因為祇能挽救少數人類，中國有最能封閉消息的系統，有最佳的動員能力，這個秘密任務，就交給中國負責。


但難免有局外人，發現地球異變，人類將被毀滅，向大眾發表預警，這都被各個參與計劃的政府密探暗殺掉，避免引發全球人類社會恐慌。有位沒日信徒，就自我放逐到《黃石國家公園》，一面觀察地質學家所領導的監察小組，一面以非法民間電臺，報導宣傳沒日理論，但都被人當作”瘋子“。


倒霉作家爸爸，在離婚之後，當了俄羅斯億萬富豪的司機，他利用假期，帶了和離婚妻子同住的子女，出外到《黃石國家公園》露營，卻誤闖禁區，又剛巧碰見地質學家，之後又遇見瘋瘋癲癲的沒日信徒。他引證兩人所說的話，悟出地球板塊移動大災難將會發生。就伙同已離婚的妻子、子女、還有妻子的男友，展開逃生旅程。


但同時美國西岸的地球板塊，己經開始移動，地裂山崩，加利福尼亞州沿海陸地，本屬太平洋板塊，首先被北美洲板塊擠壓，沉入大海。倒霉作家爸爸、媽媽、哥哥、妹妹、還有媽媽男友，一起乘車，坐飛機，徒步，幾經辛苦逃入內陸，在《黃石國家公園》找到沒日信徒，得知原來有隻“船”，正在中國的西藏高原，加緊趕工建造中，就決心逃往西藏，但點至去到呢？


倒霉作家爸爸一伙五人，剛巧在機場遇上老闆俄羅斯富豪，和他的一對孖仔及女友，共有四人，就坐上俄羅斯製的飛機，連埋加上飛機師，總共十個人及時起飛，飛往西藏，但因為旅途遙遠，需要在夏威夷為飛機加油。但飛抵夏威夷才發覺，整個夏威夷列島，已經被巖漿覆蓋，唯有繼續飛航，聽天猶命。


另一方面，在美國東岸的首都華盛頓，總統、總統女兒、幕僚長、地質學家也準備好，乘坐《空軍一號》出發到西藏上船，但最後一刻，總統先生決定留下來，沒有上機。幕僚長無奈，唯有下令起飛離開，未幾巨大海嘯就抵達白宮門前，捲起整艘航空母艦，連海水一起撞入白宮，總統先生蒙難。而首先發現地變，向人類預警的印度人一家，也未能及時得到救援，遭到不幸。


倒霉作家一家和俄羅斯富豪一家的飛機，因為地球板塊移動了，縮短了距離，竟然剛好夠燃料，飛抵西藏高原，但是”船“在哪兒呢？欲知後事，謹請購票入場！


我見：
前半部戲，官方的由發現到準備，交代得井井有條，簡短而清楚，節奏明快，且令人信服。至于倒霉作家爸爸怎樣發現秘密，就鋪排的頗為有趣味性，沒有沉悶的感覺。


加上壯觀的特技場面，山崩地裂，高樓倒塌，火山爆發，海嘯陸沉，令人目不暇給，觀眾一路被牽引著，就如置身其間，緊張刺激，兼而有之，好看！好看！好好看！


下半部戲，集中在寫患難見真情，地質學家安慰失去父親的總統女兒，還有地質學家，大義凜然，說服各國元首，打開”方舟“閘門多救更多的人類，能救得幾多就幾多，也頗為感人。至于倒霉作家爸爸，與仔仔女女，離婚妻子，患難見真情，一家互雙依靠，決不言放棄任何一人，令到媽媽的男友，反變成了外人。俄羅斯富豪寧棄女友，寧愿犧牲自己，都要保護一對孖仔，父子之情等等。令到媽媽的男友和富豪女友，這兩個變成外人，反成為一對，他倆互雙扶助。


雖然最終大部份主角都能得救（結局暫時不能揭盅），但因為前面大部份的戲太好，變成珠玉在前，結局前導演安排的”危機“，編劇筆鋒準備企圖，推起、推上、推出另一個高潮，讓觀眾緊張擔憂，結果反而是一個”反高潮“，因為觀眾都估到，一定能夠化險為夷。


這不是 DRAMA 劇情片，演技算是合格，但特技場面壯觀宏大，嘆為觀止，故事鋪排，井井有條，交代清楚，沒有明顯犯駁。本人就很滿意了，覺得值回票價，兼且我看的是週二”特價票“場，就特別覺得”底睇“，哈哈！哈哈！哈哈哈！



後記：
與網友討論，如此情況，你會選擇幾時知道呢？

嗜悲：我由步出戲院，一路步行返家，都思考著，是要“早知”好些，還是“遲知”較好，尚有便是“絕不知”，是否最佳 arrangement！

網友：我自己就喜歡早點知，至少可以和自己喜歡的人多在一起!

嗜悲：若早宣布可能引起更大社會不寧，也不可能祇說給你一個人知。到時連不是賊的，都殺人打劫，搵錢嘆番下，班窮兇極惡的，更變本加厲，橫掂都要死，上法庭入獄，變成無謂的。那麼安份的人，如兄臺祇想和至愛的人，多些時間在一起，都幾可能受到影響傷害。這不代表我已選擇，因為早知、遲知，都有利有弊，至于不知，是否真的最少弊端呢？電影中就是由政府選擇了“不通知”，但總統先生最後又後悔！

網友：我都明白你的意思，知道了真的會有動亂的問題，但人們有權 "flight for their lives"，總不想死咗都唔知發生乜嘢事，也不希望死時都不能和親人一起。這確實是個兩難的選擇!


想透露劇情一段小插曲：
地質學家的父親是位爵士樂手，他和他的多年拍檔，在超級巨型豪華郵輪上表演爵士樂，兩人都遠離美國本土。

當地質學家準備撤離時，他打了個電話跟在郵輪上的父親話別，兩人短短幾句對白，很是感人！（我專心聽英語對白，沒留意到中文字幕，能否翻譯出真情，不作評論！）

而地質學家父親的爵士樂拍檔，就急急從郵輪打電話到兒子家中，接電話的是孫女兒，就在等候兒子來聽電話之際，另一方傳來巨響，那就斷了線！

最後超級巨型豪華郵輪，也受到超級巨浪打沉了！


後後記：
俄國富豪的飛機幸運能夠抵達西藏上空，但方舟在何處呢？飛機燃料耗盡，唯有急降在冰原上，其他人都逃出了飛機，但正機師就犧牲了。正是在冰原上，白茫茫一偏，何去何從呢？有中國的直升機隊飛過，查看祇有俄國富豪和他的孿生子三人購有船票給帶走了。


其他人幸好遇上喇嘛僧侶帶著他的家人駕車經過，就把一夥人帶同去到方舟處，因為僧侶的一位兄弟被招募造船工，一夥人偷偷由機房的閘門進入了方舟匿藏。怎料到這是開關閘門的機械房，當船長下令關掉閘門時，造船工的一條腿不幸卡在齒輪上，唯有棄腳求生。但卡在齒輪上的殘肢，令到閘門不能完全關好，方舟不斷入水，而方舟的推進器因未能關妥閘門，致未能開動，全隻方舟危在旦夕。


倒霉爸爸，唯有再做英雄，潛水回到機房清理卡著的殘肢，當然在千軍一髮之時，解救了危難，救了全船人，方舟得以脫險。地球的板塊經過大移位後，方舟出發去到新的陸地，重建人類社會。



伸延閱覽：
2012 北美雅虎電影
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中國要慎防美國放冷箭

中國要慎防美國放冷箭



十一月十七日上午，在北京天安門廣場，鳴放 21響禮礮歡迎奧巴馬來華，在人民大會堂內檢閱儀像隊，客套一番之後，胡主席和奧巴馬總統入到人民大會堂進行會談，是今次訪華的戲肉。


胡奧雙邊會談之後，聯合的記者招待會 Press Release，但沒設記者提問環節。祇是各自草草發表聲明，各有立場，貌合神離。奧巴馬面黑黑，沒有了招牌笑容，胡主席則目口目面，顯然沒有給予奧巴馬任何禮物，許予任何重要承諾，讓他帶返美國“威自己”！


大家最關心的的中美貿易磨擦，有以下的新聞拙要：

【明報專訊】中美元首表示，會平等地妥善處理貿易摩擦，中方同意恢復經濟平衡，促進內需，助美增加出口和就業機會。國家主席胡錦濤和美國總統奧巴馬，在北京人民大會堂舉行正式雙邊會談，會後雙方舉行聯合記者會。

對於近期備受關注的中美貿易戰問題，胡錦濤表示，雙方在會上「堅持通過平等協商，妥善處理兩國經貿摩擦問題」，共同維護雙方經貿關係健康穩定發展。他特別向奧巴馬強調，兩國應該以更加堅決的態度，反對和抵制各種形式的保護主義。他又指，雙方同意加強G20（二十國）集團的角色，推進國際金融體系改革。

奧巴馬則指，雙方同意要促進在匹茲堡G20峰會中的承諾，追求更均衡的經濟增長的戰略。他指，根據這個戰略，美國會多儲蓄、少花費，並減少長期債務；而中國則會在更廣泛的政策中進行調整，使其經濟恢復平衡，促進國內的需求。奧巴馬指，中方這方面的配合，一方面會讓美國有更多出口和就業機會，而且也會為中國帶來一個更高的生活水平。

另外，他們亦同意要保持開放的市場和自由流通的商業，以助追求共同的繁榮。

奧巴馬特別提到，他很高興注意到，中國已經表示，經過一段時間，會更多地走向面向市場規律的機制。這對於全球恢復經濟平衡，將帶來必要的貢獻。


網友提到一篇明報新聞《奧巴馬：明言經濟轉型消費國變出口商》，是奧巴馬在日本東京三多利會堂演說的傳譯，在2009年11月15日星期日於明報登載。個人覺得奧巴馬一派胡言，說要把美國經濟轉型，由消費國，變出口商。


早前我沒有作出轉載和評論，現在奧巴馬在北京和胡錦濤主席談不攏，就更見中國人早看清楚，美國人的意圖，並沒有做出實際承諾，祇是挲挲太極，四両撥千斤，難怪奧巴馬黑口黑面。


【明報專訊】奧巴馬在東京的演說中，向亞洲國家傳達的一個重要經濟信息，就是美國將加緊推動全球及區域性的自由貿易談判，希望令美國未來轉型成出口導向型經濟體，亞洲經濟增長也不能再依賴美國消費者。

他說﹕「這次衰退其中一個重要教訓是，高度依賴美國消費者，以及亞洲靠出口推動經濟增長，都存在局限性。」對美國來說，這個新轉變將是多儲蓄一點、減少財赤和擴大出口，而亞洲國家應致力改善對美貿易失衡。他強調，美國願與亞洲國家共同努力，促成「多哈回合」談判成功，促進世界經濟平衡發展。

美經濟學家指出，近年美國在亞洲貿易合作上裹足不前，令中國和亞洲有機會自行大搞自由貿易協議，華府已錯過了「上船」機遇，奧巴馬至少要在經濟層次上，重啟與亞洲的合作。

促亞洲改善對美貿易失衡
雖然奧巴馬在演說中沒談到貿易糾紛和人民幣問題，但現實中，美國貿易保護主義問題繼續升溫。繼對中國進口輪胎徵重稅後，美國國際貿易委員會周五也初步裁定，中國和墨西哥無縫銅管在美國「存在傾銷行為，對美國業界造成損害」。美國一些廠家要求向中墨兩國銅管產品開徵最多逾 85％的反傾銷稅。


這是臺面，但在臺底有幾多交易呢？天曉得！胡錦濤主席究竟有沒有給了甚麼承諾，包括人民幣升值，這要起碼一年半載，才陸續浮現。究竟中國有沒有，和作出了幾多讓步？還是中國今次真的對美國強硬，那就要慎防美國放冷箭，在中國“攪渦”上海在明年的世界博覽會，在世界各地“玩”返中國幾鋪，打西藏牌，打臺獨牌，玩維吾爾族牌，玩印度牌等等，或是指使附庸國在南中國海東沙西沙南沙玩玩沙、推動東洋鬼子于黃海東海大陸架攪事，來消消氣！


講返轉頭，美國人話要成為出口商，但美國工人人工很高，普通美國貨那麼貴，何來競爭力呢？高科技的美國產品又驚漏了給人家學習。影音製作、電腦軟件，價錢奇高，到處賴人家盜版，一個最新的 Windows 7 正版軟件，是一些發展中國家國民的幾年人工。。。。。。。。。


《呀！對不起！下午 3:00 p.m. 有工作要去辦，本文尚未完成，本想今天晚上繼續，但又去了看電影 2012，所以留在明天才完成吧！還有明天，各中外報章的社論，需要增補資料，還有溫家寶將會見奧巴馬，雖云胡主席才是“主線”，胡做了黑面，溫家寶總理可能做白面，“氹”返一下奧巴馬！11月17日午夜》

11月18日續。。。。。

講返轉頭，美國人話要成為出口商，但美國工人人工很高，普通美國貨那麼貴，何來競爭力呢？高科技的美國產品，如超級電腦，可以改為軍事用途，懼怕給人家學習了，不獲準出口。至于軟性的如影音製作、電腦軟件，價錢奇高，到處賴人家盜版，看一個例子：一個最新的 Windows 7 正版軟件，是一些發展中國家國民的幾年人工薪酬。


那麼究竟美國有甚麼可以賣錢的貨物呢？除了波音 Boeing 飛機廠的飛機，但受到歐洲的空中巴士積極競爭，兼且世界不景氣，旅客乘載率偏低，航空公司訂購新飛機轉低，甚至有個別退掉之前的訂單例子。


奧巴馬先生想賣些甚麼，給亞洲國家包括中國呢？怎樣才能做到：”經濟轉型消費國變出口商“呢？


最後不外乎是美元貶值，即是逼使亞洲國家，貨幣兌換美元升值，中國的“人民幣”首當其衝！美其名曰是：《平衡貿易》。當別國貨幣升值，入口昂貴的美國貨，表面上是像便宜了，但可以買些甚麼呢？要升值到幾多倍呢？


另一方面，出口到美國的貨物，因為亞洲貨幣升值，就變得較貴，令到和美國本土生產的，縮短差距，讓美國貨增加競爭力，這就是保護主義。日元升值的苦果，這段歷史，有目共睹，前車之鑒，亞洲各國引以為訓。


亞洲貨幣兌美元升值，若一時間沒能達到，美國就靠美國國際貿易委員會單方面裁定別國“傾銷”，就強加巨額關稅，加重了別國貨物輸入成本，需要提高價格彌補，令到美國貨增加競爭力，以此達到保護主義目的。


下面是另一位網友寫的一段《小故事大道理》：

街市裏的菜販出現了以下的一段爭議。
菜販甲:「好囉喎，你咪再頂爛市，啲菜咁平想搶哂我啲客呀?」
菜販乙:「我無喎，一向都係賣哩個價架啦!」
菜販甲:「仲話無，我賣十五蚊斤菜芯，你賣六蚊斤喎。」
菜販乙:「你可以賣六蚊斤架，我又無減過價，係你貴之嘛!」
菜販甲:「我點減呀?我個菜場啲人工咁高點減到喎。」
菜販乙:「唓~~關我乜事喎，無人叫你養到班人咁貴架。」
菜販甲:「佢哋食慣嘆慣洗慣未來錢嘛，減人工實罷工喎。」
菜販乙:「咁我都幫唔到你囉，不如你黎我個菜場攞菜好未?」
菜販甲:「都好喎，等班嘢餓死好過啦，死都唔肯調低啲人工吖嗱!」

網友另加評論：價格由市場定位，夾硬要人加價來就自己是說不通的，這不叫做公平貿易，而是想大石砸死蟹。



奧巴馬說的：『經濟轉型消費國變出口商』論，其實就是要別國的貨幣兌美元升值，直到美國貨有競爭力為止！可能嗎？合理嗎？美國貨點解那麼貴？而人家點解可以做到價廉物美呢？這是奧巴馬政府需要自我檢討，增加競爭力是要自己去做的，而不是逼人家貨幣升值，強加關稅加重成本，這是 Immoral 『不道德』的，SHAME ON YOU OBAMA！


為防美國人老羞成怒，中國要慎防美國放冷箭！


後記：
有人說：『玩死了美國，大家都無好處，就好似 AIG，too big to FAIL ！』但美國人其實是自己玩死自己，美國人不嬲都是有福自己享，有鑊就搵人齊齊孭。今次攪出金融大海嘯，全世界已經為她，孭了一大堆鑊，應該是時候，制訂『美國沒落』的新遊戲規則了，這不是黑心，這叫作『兩手準備！』


後後記：
胡奧會少談人民幣匯率
【明報專訊】人民幣匯率問題，是外界關注此次中美峰會的焦點之一，但在昨日的中美元首記者會上，國家主席胡錦濤並沒有詳述，奧巴馬也只是一句話輕輕帶過，而在《中美聯合聲明》中則稱「雙方將採取前瞻性的貨幣政策，並適當關注貨幣政策對國際經濟的影響。」內地學者認為，中美雙方在此問題仍舊存在分歧，但是人民幣升值是大勢所趨。

奧巴馬在記者會上稱，中國在過去的幾份聲明中承諾將逐步向更加基於市場的匯率機制過渡，美方對此感到高興。清華大學中美關係研究中心主任孫哲認為，去年以來，美元貶值高達13％，人民幣一直盯著美元走，隨之貶值。此次奧巴馬再談及人民幣匯率問題表明他在此問題上所面臨內部壓力。「人民幣一旦升值，中國對美的出口就會減少，從而降低了美國的出口壓力等問題。但是中國人民幣匯率提升牽一髮而動全身，所以領導人不輕易談及此問題，這是情理之中。」

銀行專家﹕升值是大勢所趨
中國農業銀行高級經濟學家何志成表示，《中美聯合聲明》中關於「兩國貨幣要有前瞻性」表態表明人民幣匯率問題上中美雙方仍舊存在分歧。目前中國指摘美元實行的低利率，美國則指摘人民幣沒有彈性。但他預計，人民幣升值將是大勢所趨。


少談不代表沒談，雙方低調處理，更見形勢險惡，國際炒家也視機而動，借此撈返一筆，準備好過感恩節，年尾埋單計數將近，兩邊臺面臺底交易，中美雙方各有各的計算。


香港是最無奈的，港幣與美元掛鈎，香港所有日用品，衣、食、住、行、柴、米、油、鹽、醬、醋、茶，都多靠國內供應，須要人民幣找數，港幣對人民幣差距再大，又是一波的通漲，民生將更苦，我們小市民頭刺，曾蔭權的民望，將要更加用插水矣！


溫總：不贊成G2 提法
【明報專訊】國務院總理溫家寶表示，中國不贊成有關「兩國集團」(G2)提法，因中國要建成現代化國家還有長的路要走。

溫家寶今日與美國總統奧巴馬會面時說，中美都是世界上有重要影響的國家。中美關係發展歷程證明一個道理：「和則兩利，鬥則俱傷」；「互信則進，猜忌則退」。合作比遏制好，對話比對抗好，伙伴比對手好。他希望通過奧巴馬的訪問，中美關係進入全面合作的新階段。

他強調，中國高度重視中美關係。一個穩定、合作、向上的中美關係不僅有利於兩國，也有利於世界。中國不贊成有關「兩國集團」提法的主要原因是：

第一，中國是一個人口眾多的發展中國家，要建成一個現代化國家還有很長的路要走，對此他們始終保持清醒；第二，中國奉行獨立自主的和平外交政策，不與任何國家或國家集團結盟；
第三，中國主張世界上的事情應該有各國共同決定，不能由一兩個國家說了算。

同時他們認為，中美合作可以發揮獨特作用，推動建立國際政治、經濟新秩序，促進世界和平、穩定和繁榮。

溫家寶指出，中美建交三十年來，雙邊貿易額大幅度增長，這符合兩國和兩國人民的根本利益。中國不追求貿易順差，希望美國改變對華出口管制政策，提高高技術產品出口比重。同時兩國應加強在能源、環保、高科技等領域的相互投資與合作，促進雙邊貿易趨於平衡。世界貿易和投資的活躍，有利於應對國際金融危機，加快世界經濟復蘇。中美要共同反對貿易和投資保護主義。

奧巴馬說，美中關係具有全球意義。在促進世界經濟復蘇、應對氣候變化、維護亞太地區和世界安全與穩定等重大問題上，美中合作至關重要。雙方要摒棄互不信任和誤解，加強對話與合作，推動美中關係不斷向前邁進。

他表示，美方贊賞和支持中國政府發展經濟、消除貧困所作的努力。中國的發展對世界有利。


溫總說：『「和則兩利，鬥則俱傷」；「互信則進，猜忌則退」。合作比遏制好，對話比對抗好，伙伴比對手好。』好可能是一廂情願，It needs both hands to clap 一隻手掌打不響的。


溫總理對美國 G2之議，表示不贊同，並沒有飄飄然，仍然清醒，沒有欣然接受。其實美國暫時和中國交好，祇是形勢比人強，暗裡美國人的優越感，沒有半點稍減，仍然當自己高高在上，去挲弄中國人，沒有對等平等的體驗，這怎令人安心呢？中國人還是安守本份，緊守人民幣匯率，利用自己長處，立足世界。



補記：
中國國家主席胡錦濤與美國總統奧巴馬舉行峰會後發表中美聯合聲明。
以下為聲明全文：

【明報專訊】應中華人民共和國主席胡錦濤邀請，美利堅合眾國總統貝拉克·奧巴馬於二００九年十一月十五日至十八日對中國進行國事訪問。兩國元首就中美關係和其他共同關心的問題進行了深入、坦誠的會談，成果豐富。雙方積極評價中美建交三十年來兩國關係取得的巨大發展，並就推進新時期中美關係發展達成一致。奧巴馬總統將分別與中國全國人大常委會委員長吳邦國、國務院總理溫家寶舉行會見。奧巴馬總統還與中國青年人進行了交流並回答他們的提問。

一、中美關係
雙方認為，兩國領導人保持密切交往對確保中美關係長期健康穩定發展至關重要。雙方認為兩國元首今年以來的三次會晤和兩國其他重要雙邊交往加強了兩國關係。奧巴馬總統邀請胡錦濤主席於明年訪問美國，胡主席愉快地接受了邀請。兩國領導人將繼續通過互訪、會晤、通話、書信等方式保持密切溝通。

雙方高度評價中美戰略與經濟對話機制的重要作用，認為對話為兩國增進理解、擴大共識、減少分歧、尋求對共同問題的解決辦法提供了獨特的平臺。雙方認為今年七月在華盛頓舉行的首輪對話成果豐碩，同意切實履行雙方在首輪對話中所作承諾並將於二０一０年夏天在北京舉行第二輪對話。雙方同意繼續利用高層領導人的直接聯繫渠道就重大敏感問題保持及時溝通，將兩國外長年度互訪機制化，並鼓勵兩國其他部門高級官員經常互訪。

雙方積極評價中國中央軍事委員會副主席徐才厚上將今年十月訪美成果，表示將採取具體措施推進兩軍關係未來持續、可靠地向前發展。雙方將共同做好二０一０年中國人民解放軍總參謀長陳炳德上將訪美和美國國防部長羅伯特·蓋茨、美軍參謀長聯席會議主席邁克爾·馬倫上將訪華有關準備工作，積極落實兩軍已商定的各項交流與合作計劃，包括提高兩軍交往的級別和頻率。上述措施旨在加強雙方開展務實合作的能力，增進對彼此意圖和國際安全環境的理解。

雙方同意在平等互利基礎上深化反恐磋商與合作，加強執法合作。雙方同意以等的方式及時就執法事務交換證據和情報。雙方將就共同關心的案件開展聯合調查，並為對方提供調查協助。雙方將加強在刑事調查方面的合作，深化在打擊貪污、禁毒和前體化學品控制、打擊非法移民活動方面的合作，加強在打擊跨國犯罪和犯罪集團以及反洗錢和包括打擊製造偽鈔、追討非法資金在內的反恐融資領域的共同努力，並打擊走私和販賣人口。

美方重申支持中國上海舉辦二０一０年世博會。

雙方積極評價《中美科技合作協定》簽署三十年來兩國科技合作與交流取得的豐碩成果，同意通過中美科技合作聯委會進一步提升兩國在科技創新領域交流與合作的水準。

雙方期待本著透明、對等和互利原則，就航天科學合作加強討論並在載人航天飛行和航天探索方面開啟對話。雙方歡迎美國國家航空航天局局長和中方相應官員在二０一０年實現互訪。

雙方同意加強民用航空領域合作，確認願擴大《中國民用航空局與美國聯邦航空局民航技術合作協議備忘錄》。雙方歡迎兩國公共和私營機構在高速鐵路基礎設施建設方面進行合作。

雙方承諾將落實最近簽署的《中美兩國農業部關於農業合作的諒解備忘錄》。

雙方同意就衛生健康領域進一步開展聯合研究，包括幹細胞聯合研究等。雙方將深化在全球公共衛生領域的合作，包括甲型H1N1流感的預防、監控、報告和控制以及禽流感、艾滋病毒及艾滋病、肺結核、瘧疾。雙方還將加強在食品安全和產品品質方面的合作。

雙方強調各國及各國人民都有權選擇自身發展道路。各國應相互尊重對方對於發展模式的選擇。雙方都認識到，中國與美國在人權領域存在分歧。雙方本著平等和相互尊重的精神處理有關分歧，並按照國際人權文書促進和保護人權，決定於二０一０年二月底前在華盛頓舉行下一輪中美人權對話。雙方認為在法律領域促進合作並就法治問題交流符合兩國人民和政府的利益和需要。雙方決定盡早舉行中美法律專家對話。

雙方認為，人文交流對促進更加緊密的中美關係具有重要作用。為促進人文交流，雙方原則同意建立一個新的雙邊機制。雙方高興地看到近年來在彼此國家留學的人數不斷增加。目前在美國的中國留學人員已接近十萬人，美方將接受更多中國留學人員赴美學習並為中國留學人員赴美提供簽證便利。美國在華留學人員約有兩萬名。美方將啟動一個鼓勵更多美國人來華留學的新倡議，今後四年向中國派遣十萬名留學人員。中方歡迎美方上述決定。雙方同意加緊商談並於二０一０年續簽《中華人民共和國政府和美利堅合眾國政府文化協定二０一０至二０一二年執行計劃》，並適時在美合作舉辦第二屆“中美文化論壇”。


二、建立和深化雙邊戰略互信
雙方認為，二十一世紀全球性挑戰日益增多，世界各國相互依存不斷加深，對和平、發展與合作的需求增強。中美在事關全球穩定與繁榮的眾多重大問題上，擁有更加廣泛的合作基礎，肩負更加重要的共同責任。兩國應進一步加強協調與合作，共同應對挑戰，為促進世界和平、安全、繁榮而努力。

雙方認為，培育和深化雙邊戰略互信對新時期中美關係發展至關重要。在雙方討論中，中方表示，中國始終不渝走和平發展道路，始終不渝奉行互利共贏的開放戰略，致力於推動建立持久和平、共同繁榮的和諧世界。美方重申，美方歡迎一個強大、繁榮、成功、在國際事務中發揮更大作用的中國。美方表示，美國致力於與其他國家共同努力應對所面臨的最困難的國際問題。中方表示，歡迎美國作為一個亞太國家為本地區和平、穩定與繁榮作出努力。雙方重申致力於建設二十一世紀積極合作全面的中美關係，並將採取切實行動穩步建立應對共同挑戰的夥伴關係。

雙方強調台灣問題在中美關係中的重要性。中方強調，台灣問題涉及中國主權和領土完整，希望美方信守有關承諾，理解和支持中方在此問題上的立場。美方表示奉行一個中國政策，遵守中美三個聯合公報的原則。美方歡迎台灣海峽兩岸關係和平發展，期待兩岸加強經濟、政治及其他領域的對話與互動，建立更加積極、穩定的關係。

雙方重申，互相尊重主權和領土完整這一根本原則是指導中美關係的中美三個聯合公報的核心。雙方均不支持任何勢力破壞這一原則的任何行動。雙方一致認為，尊重彼此核心利益對確保中美關係穩定發展極端重要。

雙方認為，中美兩國在共同應對全球挑戰方面開展合作，有助於促進世界繁榮與安全。雙方重申一九九八年六月二十七日作出的關於不把各自控制下的戰略核武器瞄準對方的承諾。雙方認為，兩國在推動和平利用外空方面擁有共同利益，雙方同意採取步驟加強外空安全。雙方同意通過中美戰略與經濟對話、兩軍交往等渠道就具有戰略重要性的問題進行討論。

雙方同意通過現有磋商和對話渠道，根據國際法準則，在相互尊重管轄權和利益的基礎上妥善處理軍事安全和海上安全問題。


三、經濟合作和全球復蘇
雙方決心共同努力，推動全球經濟實現更加可持續和平衡的增長。為此，雙方注意到彼此強有力和及時的政策措施有助於遏制全球產出下降和穩定金融市場。雙方同意延續現有舉措以確保強健、可持續的全球經濟復蘇和金融體系。雙方重申將繼續在宏觀經濟政策領域加強對話與合作。雙方承諾履行在首輪中美戰略與經濟對話、二十國集團峰會和在新加坡舉行的亞太經合組織會議中作出的所有承諾。

雙方積極評價二十國集團三次金融峰會在應對國際金融危機方面所發揮的重要作用，願與二十國集團其他成員一道努力提高作為國際經濟合作主要論壇的二十國集團的效力。雙方同意共同努力，包括通過合作推動二十國集團的“相互評估進程”，推動二十國集團“為了實現強有力、可持續、平衡增長框架”取得成功。雙方歡迎二十國集團近期達成的共識，即確保國際金融機構享有充分資源，改革其治理機制以提高國際金融機構的可信性、合法性和有效性。雙方強調應及早落實國際金融機構份額和投票權量化改革目標，按照匹茲堡峰會領導人聲明增加新興市場和發展中國家在這些機構中的發言權和代表性。雙方同意共同加強這些國際金融機構的能力，以防範和應對未來的危機。

雙方將進一步加強宏觀經濟政策的溝通與信息交流，共同努力採取調整國內需求和相關價格的政策，促進更加可持續和平衡的貿易與增長。中方將繼續落實政策，調整經濟結構，提高家庭收入，擴大內需，增加消費對國內生產總值的貢獻，改革社會保障體系。美國將採取措施提高國內儲蓄佔國內生產總值的比重，推動可持續的、非通貨膨脹式的增長。為此，美方致力於將聯邦預算赤字降到一個可持續發展的水準並採取措施鼓勵私人儲蓄。雙方將採取前瞻性的貨幣政策，並適當關注貨幣政策對國際經濟的影響。

雙方認識到開放貿易和投資對本國經濟和全球經濟的重要性，並致力於共同反對各種形式的保護主義。雙方同意本著建設性、合作性和互利性的態度，積極解決雙邊貿易和投資爭端。雙方將加快《雙邊投資協定》談判。雙方承諾推動多哈發展回合在二０一０年達成一個積極、富有雄心、平衡的最終成果。

雙方積極評價第二十屆中美商貿聯委會會議成果。雙方重申在會議中所作承諾並期待其得到全面落實。


四、地區及全球性挑戰
雙方認識到，在當前國際形勢發生複雜深刻變化的情況下，中美在合作應對地區和全球安全挑戰方面擁有共同責任。雙方強調中美在亞太地區擁有廣泛共同利益，支持構建和完善開放、包容、共贏的地區合作框架。雙方將努力推動亞太經合組織在促進地區貿易投資自由化和經濟技術合作以及東盟地區論壇在促進地區安全合作方面發揮更有效作用。

雙方認為遵守《不擴散核武器條約》、國際原子能機構相關規定以及實施聯合國安理會所有相關決議對兩國合作阻止核武器擴散的努力取得成功至關重要。兩國元首憶及二００九年九月二十四日出席聯合國安理會核不擴散與核裁軍峰會，表示歡迎峰會成果並堅決支持聯合國安理會一八八七號決議。

雙方重申繼續推動六方會談進程並落實二００五年“九·一九”共同聲明的重要性，包括朝鮮半島無核化、關係正常化及在東北亞地區建立永久和平機制。雙方表示，願與有關各方共同努力，通過協商對話，全面實現六方會談宗旨和總體目標。中方對美朝開始高級別接觸表示歡迎。雙方希望六方會談多邊機制早日重啟。

雙方關切地注意到伊朗核問題的最新動向。雙方同意，伊朗根據《不擴散核武器條約》擁有和平利用核能的權利，同時伊朗也應履行該條約規定的相應國際義務。六國與伊朗於十月一日在日內瓦舉行的會晤對解決國際社會對伊朗核項目的關切是一個有希望的開端，雙方對此表示歡迎，並表示願儘快繼續此類接觸。雙方強調應全力採取建立信任措施，呼籲伊朗對國際原子能機構總幹事的提議作出積極反應。雙方重申大力支持通過談判尋求全面、長期解決伊核問題的辦法，呼籲伊朗繼續與六國進行建設性接觸，並與國際原子能機構全面合作，以取得令人滿意的結果。

雙方歡迎一切有助於南亞和平、穩定、發展的努力，支持阿富汗、巴基斯坦為打擊恐怖主義、維護國內穩定、實現經濟社會可持續發展作出的努力，支持印度和巴基斯坦改善和發展關係。雙方願就南亞問題加強溝通、對話與合作，共同促進南亞和平、穩定和發展。

雙方強調致力於最終實現無核武器世界。雙方重申反對大規模殺傷性武器擴散，將共同維護國際核不擴散體系。雙方同意在相互尊重和平等的基礎上加強防擴散領域的合作。雙方將共同努力確保二０一０年《不擴散核武器條約》審議大會取得成功。雙方致力於儘早批准《全面禁止核試驗條約》，並將共同努力推動該條約早日生效。雙方支持日內瓦裁談會儘早啟動“禁止生產核武器用裂變材料條約”談判，願加強在核安全和打擊核恐怖主義領域的溝通與合作。中方重視美方有關於二０一０年四月舉行核安全峰會的倡議，將積極參加峰會籌備進程。

雙方還討論了聯合國維和行動對維護國際和平與安全的重要性。

雙方同意就發展問題加強對話，探討雙方就此開展協調與合作的領域，並確保兩國有關努力有利於取得可持續成果。


五、氣候變化、能源與環境
雙方就氣候變化問題進行了建設性和富有成效的對話。雙方強調氣候變化是我們時代的重大挑戰之一。雙方認為應對這一挑戰需要強有力的回應，國際合作是不可或缺的組成部分。雙方相信，應對氣候變化應該尊重發展中國家把經濟和社會發展作為優先事項，並相信向低碳經濟轉型是促進所有國家經濟持續增長和可持續發展的機會。

關於即將召開的哥本哈根會議，雙方同意，依據“巴厘行動計劃”積極促進《聯合國氣候變化框架公約》全面、有效和可持續實施具有重要意義。雙方決心根據各自國情採取重要減緩行動，並認識到兩國在促成加強世界應對氣候變化能力的可持續成果方面具有重要作用。雙方決心支持這些承諾。

在此背景下，雙方致力於在哥本哈根會議達成最終的法律協議，同時相信，在共同但有區別的責任原則和各自能力的基礎上，達成的成果應包括發達國家的減排目標和發展中國家的國內適當減緩行動。該項成果也應實質性地增加給發展中國家的資金幫助，促進技術開發、推廣和轉讓，尤其應該注意最貧窮國家和最脆弱國家適應氣候變化的需要，促進保護和增強森林作用的措施，並在執行減緩措施以及提供資金、技術和能力建設支持方面保持充分的透明度。

雙方將共同並與其他國家一道在未來幾周內為哥本哈根會議的成功而努力。

雙方一致認為，向綠色經濟、低碳經濟轉型十分關鍵，未來數年清潔能源產業將為兩國民眾提供大量機會，歡迎在今年七月首輪中美戰略與經濟對話期間宣佈並於奧巴馬總統訪華期間正式簽署的《中美關於加強氣候變化、能源和環境合作的諒解備忘錄》基礎上，雙方為推進氣候變化、能源和環境的政策對話和務實合作採取重要步驟。

雙方認識到《能源和環境合作十年框架》的重要性，並致力於加強清潔的大氣、水、交通、電力和資源保護領域的合作。根據在十年合作框架下新制訂的中美能效行動計劃，中美兩國將通過技術合作、示範和政策交流，共同努力以成本效益高的方式提高工業、建築和消費品領域的能效。注意到兩國在能效領域的巨大投資，雙方強調，通過能源節約將帶來創造就業和促進經濟增長的大量機遇。

雙方歡迎《中國科技部、國家能源局與美國能源部關於中美清潔能源聯合研究中心合作議定書》的簽署。中美清潔能源聯合研究中心將為兩國科學家和工程技術人員從事清潔能源聯合研發提供便利，併為兩國研究人員提供交流平台。雙方同意在未來五年對中美清潔能源聯合研究中心投入至少1.5億美元，兩國各出資一半。中心在兩國各設一總部。優先研究課題將包括建築能效、清潔煤（包括碳捕集與封存）及清潔汽車。

雙方歡迎啟動中美電動汽車倡議，使兩國在未來數年有幾百萬輛電動汽車投入使用。基於中美兩國在電動汽車領域的巨大投資，兩國政府宣布在十幾個城市開展聯合示範項目，並努力開發共同的技術標準以推動此產業規模快速增長。雙方一致認為兩國對清潔汽車的快速利用擁有很大的共同利益。

雙方非常歡迎兩國在發展二十一世紀煤炭技術方面的努力。雙方同意促進大規模碳捕集與封存示範項目方面的合作，並就碳捕集與封存技術的開發、利用、推廣和轉讓立即開展工作。雙方歡迎中美兩國企業、大學和研究機構最近就碳捕集與封存、煤炭高效利用技術開展合作達成的協議。
雙方歡迎《中國國家發展和改革委員會與美國環境保護局關於應對氣候變化能力建設合作備忘錄》的簽署。

雙方歡迎中美可再生能源夥伴關係的啟動。通過該夥伴關係，兩國將就大規模利用風能、太陽能、先進生物燃料和現代電網制定路線，在設計和執行實現這一遠景所需的政策和技術手段方面進行合作。鋻於兩國相加市場規模巨大，中美可再生能源的加速利用將在全球範圍內極大降低這些技術的成本。

雙方歡迎建立中美能源合作項目——一種政府和產業間的夥伴關係，旨在加強能源安全和應對氣候變化。該項目將利用私營部門資源和專長，加快清潔能源技術的應用。

雙方對近期舉辦的第四屆中美能源政策對話和第九屆中美石油和天然氣產業論壇表示讚許，並對加速中國非常規天然氣資源發展的中美頁巖氣合作倡議的啟動表示歡迎。該倡議旨在利用美國近期的經驗，以提高中美兩國能源安全，幫助中國向低碳經濟轉型。

雙方同意促進核能和平利用的全球努力，並歡迎近期舉行的全球核能夥伴關係第三次執行委員會會議，以及該夥伴關係尋求方法強化民用核能合作的國際框架的承諾。雙方同意互相協商，以便尋找包括保障燃料供應和全程核燃料管理的辦法，從而使各國在核擴散風險最小化的同時，能夠和平利用核能。



伸延閱覽：
中美同意平等處理貿易摩擦 雅虎新聞網
明言經濟轉型消費國變出口商 雅虎新聞網
中美聯合聲明全文 雅虎新聞網
溫家寶讚奧巴馬訪華具意義 雅虎新聞網
戰略利益相互滲透 中美關係揭新一頁 雅虎新聞網
胡奧會少談人民幣匯率 雅虎新聞網
溫總：不贊成G2 提法 雅虎新聞網


網友的《小故事大道理》：
新鮮人 菜販又鬧咬了!


我的舊文：

關連文章：
Shanghai Town Hall Meeting
威士忌 Whisky 為自己

其他舊文：
美國人的自殘自救
中國人會重蹈覆轍？
美國人的 CARBON TARIFF 碳關稅

Shanghai Town Hall Meeting

Shanghai Town Hall Meeting



《CNN》The United States and China do not have to be at odds despite the challenges facing them, President Obama told Chinese students at a town hall meeting Monday in Shanghai.

"Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty, but the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined," Obama said before an audience of several hundred university students. He called for open dialogue but said he recognized that each nation was unique.

"I believe that each country must chart its own course," he said.

Still, Obama said, there are certain core principles that all people must share. According to the president, those principles include equal rights for everyone, a government that reflects the will of the people, open commerce and free access to information, and the rule of law.

"We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation," he told the gathering.

"These freedoms of expression and worship, of access to information and political participation, we believe are universal rights," Obama continued. "They should be available to all people, including ethnic or religious minorities, whether they are in the United States, China or any other nation."

The issue of human rights often has been a sticking point between Beijing and Washington. China regularly cracks down on its religious and ethnic minorities, keeps tight reins on the media and censors the Internet.

Obama told the students he is against censorship and is a believer in the free flow of information, calling it a "source of strength" in a democracy despite the sting that sometimes comes with it.

"I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me," Obama acknowledged. "I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader, because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see if I'm doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States."

The town hall meeting was shown locally on Shanghai's Phoenix TV, but it was not broadcast nationally on any of China's state-run networks. The Xinhua news agency posted a translated running transcript of the event on its Web site.


我透過互聯網上，觀看在 Museum of Science and Technology 『上海科技館』的現場直播，“在線”看了奧巴馬擅長的”社區會堂”騷，雖然設有問答環節，但這些學生可能是經過篩選，問的問題比較溫和，營造河蟹和諧氣氛？所以我看完三個問答後，就去了吃午餐。


在未開始問答環節前的『開場白』，奧巴馬約略描繪了，中美在歷史上的交往。提起 40年前小小銀球『兵乓外交』，開始運動交流，跟著 37年前尼克遜總統，歷史性訪華，並共同發表 Shanghai Communique『上海公報』。又提到清朝時代，美國首任總統華盛頓，1784年派遣《中國皇后號》Empress of China 來華。還有日軍侵華，於二次世界大戰時，美國空軍的戰機，在被日軍擊落後，飛機師得到中國人民的保護，當然沒有漏了，提到姚明在美國NBA打籃球。


在此時間隱惡揚善，奧巴馬欲蓋彌彰，我即時記起，遠的有《八國聯軍》美國人有份出兵侵華，《抗美援朝》中國志願軍在鴨綠江以東犧牲了性命，《不沉的航空母艦》美國軍援售武給臺灣直到現今，暗裡支持臺獨，《冷戰時期的熱戰～越戰》中國向北越派遣的工程兵和防空兵被美軍炸死，《美日條約》美國把中國的釣魚臺列島給了日本人。近的有《南斯拉夫解體》美國炸彈炸中貝爾格萊德中國大使館，死去的中國外交人員，《海南島事件》中國空軍機師殉國。


奧巴馬說：『溫故而知新！』 "Consider the past, and you shall know the future." 但我不忘要告訴奧巴馬總統，中國還有一句：『前事不忘、後事之師！』 美國人欠中國人的血債和美國人賣了給中國的美國國庫債劵，一樣的厚，一般沉重。


有興趣的朋友可以連汁都撈埋，以下是：
Full text of President Obama at a Shanghai town hall with students, as provided by the White House
《Washington Times》Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good. (Laughter.)

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past.

Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future." Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.

I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure.

That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights.

They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.

This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another.

And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb -- consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

So -- I just want to make sure this works. This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings. And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands. I will call on you. And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.

So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair. All right? So I'll start with this young lady right in the front. Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you. And what's your name?

Q My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University. Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges. So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China? And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year. Will you bring your family to visit the Expo? Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you very much for the question. I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice. And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.

One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint.

And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China. But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well. So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.

We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai. I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail.

In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient. And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating. And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.

I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor. And so I would love to attend. I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here. So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.

Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city. So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai. Thank you. (Applause.) Why don't we get one of the questions from the Internet? And introduce yourself, in case --

Q First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, OK?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes.

Q I want to pose a question from the Internet. I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China. I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States? (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future. I have had several meetings now with President Hu. We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis. We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it's very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it's important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.

In terms of what I'd like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you -- these are all highlights -- but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree.

So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change. The United States and China are the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm. Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China. On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population. So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it.

There's going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations -- obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States -- but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases.

So that's an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting -- a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership. Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us. They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they're not serious about this, then they won't be serious either. That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry. And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues. OK? (Applause.)

All right, it's a -- I think it must be a boy's turn now. Right? So I'll call on this young man right here.

Q (As translated.) Mr. President, good afternoon. I'm from Tongji University. I want to cite a saying from Confucius: "It is always good to have a friend coming from afar." In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences. China advocates a harmonious world. We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity. I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures? What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries? And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is an excellent point. The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture. We have people coming from all around the world. And so there's no one definition of what an American looks like. In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she's married to a Chinese person from Canada. So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations. (Laughter.)

And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.

Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions. And I think it's very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else. And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.

I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture. So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights -- that if children are being exploited,

if there's forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past. That's a universal value.

I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women. I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well.

I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women. And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don't.
So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world. And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.

Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that. But we think it's important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values. And we -- and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make.

If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society. And so we don't claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it's important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values. OK? All right. We're going to take a question from the Internet.

Q Hello, Mr. President. It's a great honor to be here and meet you in person.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.

Q I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan. In his question, he said: I come from Taiwan. Now I am doing business on the mainland. And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well. So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose -- continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried. I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer.

So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations? And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question. Thank you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China. We don't want to change that policy and that approach.

I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of -- and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues.

One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved. We always think that's the better course. And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born.

Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future. I prefer to look towards the future. And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place -- there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology. And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process. OK?

Let's see, it's a girl's turn now, right? Yes, right there. Yes. Hold on, let's get -- whoops, I'm sorry, they took the mic back here. I'll call on you next. Go ahead, and then I'll go up here later. Go ahead.

Q Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'll call on you later. But I'll on her first and then I'll call on you afterwards. Go ahead.

Q OK, thank you. Mr. President, I'm a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University. I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace. In your opinion, what's the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace? And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to -- more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace? And will it bring you -- will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs? Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. That was an excellent question. I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace. Obviously it's a great honor. I don't believe necessarily that it's an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America's approach to the world. And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.

In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President. And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I'm working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job. (Laughter.) And so you -- there's a saying -- I don't know if there's a similar saying in China -- we have a saying: "You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it." And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.

I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world. It's not always easy to do. There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are -- date back for centuries. If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years. In many parts of the world -- let's say, in the continent of Africa -- there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve.

And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people. And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.

Nevertheless, although I don't think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples -- through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures.

And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace. Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage. And that's why I'm hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.

We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we're such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us.

That's a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations. And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world. (Applause.)
OK. All right? Jon -- I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy. This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that --

AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN: That's right. And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?" And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. I noticed that young people -- they're very busy with all these electronics. My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone.

But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable. They can begin to think for themselves.That generates new ideas. It encourages creativity.

And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use. I'm a big supporter of non-censorship. This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions. I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet -- or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.

Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time. I think people naturally are -- when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or -- but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States.

And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation. In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet. Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers. But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies. And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.

Now, that's not just true in -- for government and politics. It's also true for business. You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was -- less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you. It was a science project. And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world. So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist.

So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter. The more open we are, the more we can communicate. And it also helps to draw the world together.

Think about -- when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha -- one is 11, one is 8 -- from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai. They can go any place in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about. And that's just an enormous power that they have. And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.

Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology. It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before. Extremists can mobilize. And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that. But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness. And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum. OK?

I'm going to take two more questions. And the next one is from a gentleman, I think. Right here, yes. Here's the microphone.

Q First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions. I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset. (Laughter.)

And here comes my question. My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management. And I would like to ask you the question -- is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect.

I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that -- how you struggled to get it. And what's your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes? We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don't know if there's a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize. (Laughter.) So I can't guarantee that. But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following. Obviously all of you are working very hard, you're studying very hard. You're curious. You're willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself. You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.

Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be business people. But I think that whatever field you go into, if you're constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions -- "Are there things that I could be doing differently? Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it's in science or technology or in the arts? -- those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.

The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they're not just thinking only about themselves but they're also thinking about something larger than themselves. So they want to make a contribution to society. They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city. They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.

I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and -- all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition. They say, how can I help feed hungry people? Or, how can I help to teach children who don't have an education? Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts? Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world. And I'm sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you've been working.

All right? All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately. We've run out of time so quickly. Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.

Q Mr. President, it's a great honor for the last question. And I'm a college student from Fudan University, and today I'm also the representative of China's Youth (inaudible.) And this question I think is from Beijing: Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States? And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war? Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think that's an excellent question. Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States' security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda. And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians.

And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands -- a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon -- and they used it in a city, whether it's in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands. So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.

Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region. And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.

Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing -- one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield. I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home. And it is a great weight on me. It gives me a heavy heart.

Fortunately, our Armed Services is -- the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go. And I think that it is possible -- working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia -- to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there's no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.

But it's a difficult task. It's not easy. And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it's important to understand it's not just a military exercise. We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers.

And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what's happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.

And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope. That won't change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from. And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take. OK?

All right, I have had a wonderful time. I am so grateful to all of you. First of all, let me say I'm very impressed with all of your English. Clearly you've been studying very hard. And having a chance to meet with all of you, I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations.

I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States. You will be welcome. I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China. And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.

So thank you very much everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)


伸延閱覽：
奧巴馬正在上海發表演說 信報網
訪滬大打青年牌奧巴馬：儂好！ 雅虎新聞網
奧巴馬演講言論集錦 文匯報網
Shanghai Town Hall Meeting wtih Chinese Students CNN
TRANSCRIPT: Obama's town hall in China Washington Times
中美關係 維基百科
中美關係簡述 第一頁 第二頁 lw23.com
中美貿易二百年 1784-1999 (目錄） 廈門大學出版社
中美關係歷史 lunwentianxia.com


我的舊文：

關連文章：
中國要慎防美國放冷箭
威士忌 Whisky 為自己

其他舊文：
美國人的自殘自救
中國人會重蹈覆轍？
美國人的 CARBON TARIFF 碳關稅

威士忌 Whisky 為自己

威士忌 Whisky 為自己



美國總統奧巴馬行色匆匆，因推遲了出發到日本日期，唯有縮短了訪日細節，大項如：與鳩山總理大臣會面，加強美日聯盟，向日本人發表演說，為本次亞洲之行定調，禮貌性拜會日皇明仁，並共進午餐後，就匆匆飛去星加坡出席 APEC 領導人晚宴，趕及跟其他領導人穿起民族服裝，進行大合照傳統。


奧巴馬在東京的”三多利會堂“ Suntory Hall 對日本政要和人民，發表了演說。開始時不忘玩玩“文字”gag，出出口術，讓日本的小市鎮“小濱”市民樂得一陣陣，因為“小濱”的英文名就是 OBAMA，恰巧就是：Obama 奧巴馬。


Full text of Obama speech at suntory hall Tokyo
(收錄作為將來翻查的需要 VERY LONG RECOMMEND JUMP TO BOTTOM 是頗長的建議跳讀到結尾）
《DemConWatch》Good morning. It is a great honor to be in Tokyo—the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President. It’s good to be among so many of you – Japanese and Americans – who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos.

It is wonderful to be back in Japan. When I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility – the great bronze Amida Buddha. As a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream. But I have never forgotten the warmth and hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.

I feel that same spirit on this visit. In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama. In the honor of meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress on the 20th anniversary of his accession to the Chrysanthemum Throne. In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people. And of course, I could not come here without sending greetings and my gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan.

I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason. Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect. And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.

From my first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations. The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the prime minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly fifty years, the first foreign trip by an American secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan.

In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary – a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan’s Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating “an indestructible partnership” based on “equality and mutual understanding.”

In the half century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation of our security and prosperity. It has helped us become the world’s two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America’s second-largest trading partner outside of North America. It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world – from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan – most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.
Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values – a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change. And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people, and our alliance.

That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance – we have agreed to deepen it. We have agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring US forces in Okinawa. And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago – a partnership of equality and mutual respect.

But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it does not end here. The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic, but for generations we also have been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it. We are bound by our past – by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who have served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free. We are bound by our shared prosperity – by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend. And we are bound by our people – by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life. and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven.

My own life is a part of that story. I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian. My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy. So the Pacific rim has helped shape my view of the world.

Since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically. Controlled economies have given way to open markets. Dictatorships have become democracies. Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted. And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.

So I want every American to know that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct affect on our lives at home. This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods. And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process. This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents. And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.

To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region. To do this, we look to America’s treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines – alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.

These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first visit to Japan. And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan’s security and to Asian security is unshakeable, and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region –above all, through our young men and women in uniform

We look to emerging nations that are poised to play a larger role – both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world. Places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.

We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another. I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China’s emergence. But as I have said – in an inter-connected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of cooperation – not competing spheres of influence – will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific.

As with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests. And it is precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern – because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together. That is why we welcome China’s efforts to play a greater role on the world stage – a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility. China’s partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery. China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances. On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations. And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries. We will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear – and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people. Because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor.

In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region. I know that the United States has been disengaged from these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear: those days have passed. As an Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve.

That is the work that I will begin on this trip. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum tomorrow. ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all ten of its leaders. And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.

We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it. And I’d like to speak for a bit about what that future can look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.

First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.

The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations. And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G-20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.

This shift to the G-20 - along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions – clearly demonstrates the broader and more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21stcentury. And as a key member of the G-8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture.

Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led us into a global recession. We cannot follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth. One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth. Because when Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted. When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing. And the global recession only deepened.

We have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I’ll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system and reducing our long-term deficit. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow for greater investments in housing, infrastructure, and the service sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America’s prosperity, but to the world’s.

An integral part of this new strategy is working toward an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement – not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion – and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table.

We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all of our nations. Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them. The United States will also be engaging with the Trans Pacific partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement.

Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity. But it’s not enough to pursue growth that is balanced. We also need growth that is sustainable – for our planet and the future generations that will live here.

Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in ten months than we have in our recent history: by embracing the latest science, investing in new energy, raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do – but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.

That includes striving for success in Copenhagen. I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear. All nations must accept their responsibility. Those nations – like my own – who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets. Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology. And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.

Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet – and we must do it together. But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs. It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries.

Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century – the danger posed by nuclear weapons.

In Prague, I affirmed America’s commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal. I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort. No two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity. Our very future hangs in the balance.

Let me be clear: so long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies – including South Korea and Japan.

But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growing security and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty – that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.

Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path. For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development – and by any measure, this has increased Japan’s security, and enhanced its position.

To meet our responsibilities – and move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague – we have passed a unanimous UN Security Council resolution embracing this international effort. We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles. We will work to ratify and bring into force the Test Ban Treaty. And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all of the world’s vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.

As I have said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out individual nations. It is about all nations living up to their responsibilities. That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And it includes North Korea.

For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons. It should be clear where that path leads. We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang. We have passed the most sweeping UN Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities. We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words: North Korea’s refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security – not more.

Yet there is another path that can be taken. Working in tandem with our partners – and supported by direct diplomacy – the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future. Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration. Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity – where trade, investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life. And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect. This respect cannot be earned through belligerence. It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.

The path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the Six-Party Talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted. These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government, if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.

And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century: by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all.

Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.

The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures. It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress. Yet this much is also clear – indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights, they have been strengthened by it. Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way – that is the story that can be seen in Japan’s democracy, just as it can be seen in America’s.

The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples. For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common: the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice. These are not impediments to stability, they are its cornerstones. And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.

That truth guides our new approach to Burma. Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people. So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform. We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic. And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.

There are clear steps that must be taken – the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people. That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity.

These are the steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific. We will do so through our close friendship with Japan – which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region. We will do so as a partner – through the broader engagement that I have discussed today. We will do so as a Pacific nation – with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe. And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly fifty years.

The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, some time after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific. It was then that America’s commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples’ spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what has been called the Japanese Miracle – a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.

In the coming years and decades, this Miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation, the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better. It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space.

But we know that there is still work to be done – so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and – on a divided peninsula – the people of the South can be freed from fear, while those in the north can live free from want; so that a young girl van be valued not for her body but for her mind, and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent, their drive, and their choices will take them.

None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle. But at this moment of renewal – in this land of miracles – history tells us it is possible. This is America’s agenda. This is the purpose of our partnership – with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region. And there must be no doubt: as America’s first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world. Thank you very much.


《Suntory 三多利》是日本著名釀酒廠，釀製的有名牌“三多利”威士忌酒，奧巴馬去 Suntory Hall，不是來飲威士忌，他是來演說的，是要為今次亞洲之行定調，是“為自己”。重頭戲將是四日三夜的訪華行程。中美貿易近來多了磨擦，美國在過去二三十年，把國內厭惡性工業，高污染性行業，勞工密集工序，搬離美國本土，轉移到東南亞發展中國家，包括改革開放的中國，美國人眼不見為凈。


在過去二十多年好景時，美國人享受著價廉物美的中國貨物，有助美國壓低通漲，穩定民生，失業率低企，一遍欣欣向榮。但美國人就攪出名曰：“次按”的禍根，加上斐而所思的“洐生財金工具” Derivatives，為禍全球，引發全球金融大海嘯，到此美國人失業率轉高，就採取保護主義，向中國輪胎鋼管等等，強徵巨額入口關稅，又賴中國搶走美國人的工作。


轉移到中國的工作，早在過去廿年好景之時，已經不存在美國了，當時美國人掛著炒賣金融工具，沒有人有時間去工作，宜得最好就是把繁覆的工作送走，好讓他們集中精神去玩財金遊戲，到如今炒無可炒時，就罵中國搶走他們工作，保護主義抬頭。胡錦濤主席在 APEC 第一階段會議的演說，就是告訴美國人『神又你、鬼又你！』


奧巴馬在日本的演說，話美國不尋求圍堵中國，『聽其言、觀其行！』你相信嗎？好罷，就讓他：“奧巴馬”來中國訪問，三晚四日訪問包括上海和北京。美國人一向有威就自己攞，有鑊就搵人齊齊孭，中國人有句：『人不為己，天誅地滅！』 今次北京中南海，應鐵腕先為自己，不要慷老百姓中國人民的概，向鬼佬挲挲太極，不用作出大讓步，給予奧巴馬任何重要承諾，帶返美國威自己！


中國人可與美國慢慢討價還價，美國人想中國多買美國貨，但又設下重重關卡，呢樣又話機密不能出口，個樣又說和國防有關不能賣，但對中國臺北就賣軍事武器。祇識得賣漢堡飽、家鄉雞、和美國國庫債劵，有乜用呢？啊！今次可能向中國出口老鼠～“米奇”和“米妮”，但是米奇米妮穿長衫旗袍，真的是不倫不類。其實美國都已經“咁爛”，實在也不用急在一時！



伸延閱覽：
Obama's suntory hall speech 谷歌新聞
Full Text of Obama's Speech at Suntory Hall Tokyo DemConWatch
奧巴馬：美不尋求圍堵中國 雅虎新聞網
奧巴馬﹕無意遏制中國崛起 雅虎新聞網
有求於中國 雅虎新聞網
胡錦濤APEC籲反對貿易保護主義 雅虎新聞網
美元弱資產泡沫禍首 雅虎新聞網
奧巴馬盼獲大禮中方勿犧牲利益 雅虎新聞網


我的舊文：

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中國要慎防美國放冷箭
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美國人的自殘自救
中國人會重蹈覆轍？
美國人的 CARBON TARIFF 碳關稅