My Facebook 新增面書 心空海嶽 by the inner space 歡迎光臨 Welcome in

「我離港前到過一間精神科醫院。當時有位病人禮貌地問,一個以作為世上最悠久民主政體而自傲的國家,如何能夠將此地交給一個政治制度非常不同的國家,且既沒諮詢當地公民,又沒給予他們民主的前景,好讓他們捍衞自己的將來。一個隨行同事說,奇怪,香港提出最理智問題的人,竟在精神科醫院。」彭定康 金融時報

“During a visit to a mental hospital before I left Hong Kong, a patient politely asked me how a country that prided itself on being the oldest democracy in the world had come to be handing over his city to another country with a very different system of government, without either consulting the citizens or giving them the prospect of democracy to safeguard their future. Strange, said one of my aides, that the man with the sanest question in Hong Kong is in a mental hospital.”Chris Patten Financial Times

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Saturday, December 12, 2009

弔古戰場文



【維基百科】李華(715年-766年),字遐叔,唐朝趙州贊皇(今河北元氏)人。唐玄宗開元二十三年(735年)進士,唐玄宗天寶二年(743年)報考博學宏詞科被錄取,歷官秘書省校書郎。

唐玄宗天寶十一年(752年)調任監察御史,改右補闕。安史之亂爆發,李華被叛軍挾持,被迫擔任鳳閣舍人。安史之亂被平定後,因曾在安史之亂期間擔任偽政權官職(也就是鳳閣舍人),被貶為杭州司戶參軍,不久辭官。

唐肅宗上元年間,召為左補闕、司封員外郎,稱病而未赴任。廣德二年(764年),宰相梁國公李峴領選江淮,聘李華加入幕僚,任命李華為檢校吏部員外郎;次年,因風痺(因風濕侵襲而引起的關節疼痛或麻木)辭官返家。傳世作品有《弔古戰場文》。



李華經歷過,親眼見到,多場戰爭,給百姓帶來極大的災難和痛苦。於調任到今寧夏回族自治區靈武縣附近,經過北方的古戰場,感慨良多,便寫出這篇情文並茂,扣人心弦的佳作。


《弔古戰場文》 李華

浩浩乎!

平沙無垠,敻不見人,河水縈帶,群山糾紛。

黯兮慘悴,風悲日曛。蓬斷草枯,凜若霜晨。

鳥飛不下,獸鋌亡群。

亭長告予曰:

「此古戰場也,嘗覆三軍。 往往鬼哭,天陰則聞。」

傷心哉!秦歟?漢歟?將近代歟?


吾聞夫齊魏徭戌,荊韓召募。萬里奔走,連年暴露。

沙草晨牧,河冰夜渡;地闊天長,不知歸路。

寄身鋒刃,腷臆誰愬?秦漢而還,多事四夷;

中州耗斁,無世無之。古稱戎夏,不抗王師。

文教失宣,武臣用奇。奇兵有異於仁義,

王道迂闊而莫為。


嗚呼噫嘻!吾想夫北風振漠,胡兵伺便。

主將驕敵,期門受戰。野豎旄旗,川迴組練。

法重心駭,威尊命賤。利鏃穿骨,驚沙入面。

主客相搏,山川震眩。聲析江河,勢崩雷電。

至若窮陰凝閉,凜冽海隅;積雪沒脛,堅冰在鬚。

鷙鳥休巢,征馬踟躕,繒纊無溫,墮指裂膚。

當此苦寒,天假強胡,憑陵殺氣,以相剪屠。

徑截輜重,橫攻士卒;都尉新降,將軍覆沒。

屍填巨港之岸,血滿長城之窟。

無貴無賤,同為枯骨,可勝言哉!

鼓衰兮力竭,矢盡兮弦絕。

白刃交兮寶刀折,兩軍蹙兮生死決。

降矣哉!終身夷狄;戰矣哉!骨暴沙礫。

鳥無聲兮山寂寂,夜正長兮風淅淅。

魂魄結兮天沉沉,鬼神聚兮雲冪冪。

日光寒兮草短,月色苦兮霜白。

傷心慘目,有如是耶!


吾聞之:牧用趙卒,大破林胡。開地千里,遁逃匈奴。

漢傾天下,財殫力痡。任人而已,其在多乎?周逐玁狁,

北至太原,既城朔方,全師而還。飲至策勳,和樂且閒。

穆穆棣棣,君臣之間。秦起長城,竟海為關,荼毒生靈,

萬里朱殷。漢擊匈奴,雖得陰山。枕骸遍野,功不補患。


蒼蒼蒸民,誰無父母?提攜捧負,畏其不壽。

誰無兄弟?如足如手。誰無夫婦?如賓如友。

生也何恩?殺之何咎?其存其歿,家莫聞知。

人或有言,將信將疑。悁悁心目,寤寐見之。

布奠傾觴,哭望天涯。天地為愁,草木悽悲。

弔祭不至,精魂何依?

必有凶年,人其流離。

鳴呼噫嘻!時耶?命耶?

從古如斯,為之奈何,守在四夷。



昨天重讀了,奧巴馬的諾貝爾和平獎演辭,指出戰爭在人類歷史中,在沒法解決分歧,要以戰爭來換取和平,感概萬分。我加註了:羅馬不是靠談判來創建帝國,他們祇是殺掉所有擋路者。"Rome did not create a great empire by having meetings, they did it by killing all those who opposed them."


舊時男兒打仗,是保家衛國,保護婦孺,戰場上屍橫遍野。如今打仗,是決戰千里,講的是 preemptive strike,在別人的地方打仗,自己的家園仍然一遍聲平,沒見到一件死屍。


晚上拿出《古文觀止》,找出『李華』的《弔古戰場文》,再三重讀,人類的歷史,確實是用鮮血寫成的。



伸延閱覽
古文觀止---弔古戰場文 含白話文譯文
李華 維基百科



Friday, December 11, 2009

2009年度的諾貝爾和平獎

2009年度的諾貝爾和平獎



【Nobelprize.org】The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded by a committee of five, appointed by the Storting (the Norwegain parliament). According to the rules laid down by the Storting, election to the committee is for a six-year term, and members can be re-elected. The committee's composition reflects the relative strengths of the political parties in the Storting. Although this is not a requirement, all committee members have been Norwegian nationals.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee 2009

Thorbjørn Jagland (Chairman)President of the Storting
Geir Lundestad (Secretary)Professor, Director of the Nobel Institute
Kaci Kullmann Five (Deputy Chairman)Adviser Public Affairs
Sissel Rønbeck (Member)Deputy Director, Directorate for Cultural Heritage
Inger-Marie Ytterhorn (Member)Senior political adviser to the Progress Party's Parliamentary Group
Ågot Valle (Member)Member of Parliament



本年度的委員會,把一年一度的諾貝爾和平獎頒予:Barack Obama

委員會的 《註語》是:"for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples"


Time for Hope

【Nobelprize.org】Incumbent Presidents have quite frequently been recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. US Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were Laureates while in office, as for instance, were Presidents Mikhail Gorbachev of the USSR and Kim Dae-jung of South Korea.

There have also been current Prime Ministers (Yitzhak Rabin of Israel) and Chancellors (Willy Brandt of the Federal Republic of Germany), but never before has anyone been made a Peace Laureate so early into their term of office.

Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize a little under 10 months after he took up residence in the White House. Nominations for the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize closed just 11 days after he took office.

Barack Obama is the fourth US President to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, the last being Jimmy Carter in 2002. In selecting him, the Norwegian Nobel Committee, which consists of five people appointed by the Norwegian Parliament, or Storting, appear to be endorsing Obama's appeal for greater multilateral cooperation aimed at tackling the thorniest global problems; conflict, nuclear weapons, climate change.

They highlight his efforts to strengthen international diplomacy, and the new climate of dialogue and negotiation that Obama is promoting. Emphasis is also placed on renewed US commitment to international organizations, in particular the United Nations.

The section of Alfred Nobel's will detailing the creation of the Peace Prize states that it should be awarded "to the person who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses."

In answer to questions during the announcement press conference about how early in Obama's Presidency the award was being made, Thorbjørn Jagland replied that the Committee wanted to demonstrate its support for the approaches he is taking towards global problems.



頒獎禮定于十二月十日在挪威奧斯陸舉行,登文之時應該是當地時間的黃昏,頒獎禮尚還未完成。奧巴馬將會發表講話,但不知會否成為演說,他的說話/演說《文字稿》講在較後時間補登。


要注意:諾貝爾和平獎的頒獎禮和宴會,是和其他的獎項頒獎不同地點的,高錕教授所得的物理學獎,是在瑞典斯德哥爾摩領獎的,而奧巴馬和平獎,是在挪威奧斯陸領獎的。


【Nobelprize.org】The Nobel Prizes in Physics, Chemistry, Physiology or Medicine and Literature as well as the Economics Prize are awarded on 10 December at the Stockholm Concert Hall in Sweden.

In early December, the Nobel Laureates and the Laureates in Economics arrive in Stockholm, Sweden, to present their Nobel Lectures and to prepare for the Nobel Prize Award Ceremony, traditionally held on 10 December, the anniversary of Alfred Nobel's death.

On the same day, the Nobel Peace Prize Laureates deliver their Nobel Lectures during the Nobel Peace Prize Award Ceremony at the Oslo City Hall in Norway.



就在領獎前的一週,奧巴馬發表的增兵三萬,進駐阿庫汗演說,和建議二零一一年即是十八個月後,開始撤兵,但究竟撤兵的進度是一刀切全撤,還是續小續少撤呢?卻被大選時的對手麥凱恩,在翌日的參議院聽證會中,向國防部長先生和國務卿女士,作出提問,兩人推推拉拉,沒有說清楚。


跟著國防部長先生去到阿庫汗見傀儡總統,一番會談之後,傀儡總統在記者會上,提出最快十五年,才有能力支付防衛費用之說,令到國防部長先生,要出口術補鑊。究竟阿庫汗打敗當年的蘇聯,間接把蘇聯拖垮的塔里班,今次能否把大美國照版煮碗呢?

很想聽聽,奧巴馬在奧斯陸頒獎禮上的演說,他又怎樣自圓其說呢?


後記:報章摘要
【明報即時新問】美國總統周四領取諾貝和平獎後發表演說,他對於得獎佷是感謝,同時亦抱著很謙卑的心情去領獎。

他說,雖然他得到和平獎,但戰爭有時是必須和合理的。他承認,許多人認為他做得不夠,不值得領取和平獎;他也知道自己最近下令增兵三萬人到阿富汗。但人們必須承認,暴力不能根除,國家必須打仗去保衛國民,對付邪惡的政權或恐怖主義組織。

奧巴馬認為,非暴力行動不能阻止希特勒的軍隊;談判不能說服蓋達組織放下武器。他說,承認這點並非等於鼓吹犬儒主義,但必須承認人類並不完美。

美國總統奧巴馬領取諾貝爾和平獎後發表演說,他呼籲要強硬對付像朝鮮和伊朗等違反國際法的國家。

奧巴馬承認,作為一個戰時總統獲得和平獎備受爭議,但他表示,有時必須運用權力,採取行動保衛美國。

他指出,在某種情況下使用武力是必須的和合理的,特別是基於人道的原因。他又提到蓋達組織,他認為談判不能使他們放下武器。

奧巴馬又呼籲採取強硬行動對付違反國際法的國家。以朝鮮和伊朗為例,兩國在核問題與西方對抗,不能再容忍它們玩弄制度。



奧巴馬祇是在內政上,與共和黨血拼,卻沒有 "Change" 美國在外交、政治、軍事,根本政策,祇是重新包裝『大美國主義』,合理化以暴易暴,利用軍事優勢,去欺壓不服從美國國策的國家。就如我在答覆網友的留言所說的,在讀完奧巴馬的領獎演說後,我也沒有需要更改。

Quoting:
『美國總統祇是美國國內不同利益集團的代理人,在初選大選中的競選經費籌款,錢從何來呢?登其大寶之後,主要是拼內政,得益者就是有份輔選,有份捐款的利益集團。

至于外交政治軍事行動,兩黨的總統大同少異。民主共和兩黨背後的利益集團,都是大美國主義,祇是包裝手法不同,都是為美國利益,而威嚇冷戰熱戰,維護美國在全球利益。』


記得曾讀過這一句子,出處我不知道,但想在這裡與各位分享:

"Rome did not create a great empire

by having meetings, they did it by killing

all those who opposed them."



幾千年來的人類歷史是用鮮血寫成的,哀哉!


New York Daily News ~ Barack Obama Nobel Peace Prize speech: Full transcript

【The speech】Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations — that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize — Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela — my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women — some known, some obscure to all but those they help — to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 43 other countries — including Norway — in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict — filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease — the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations — total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations — an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize — America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide and restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts, the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies and failed states have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today’s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed and children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations — acting individually or in concert — will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: It merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life’s work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak, nothing passive, nothing naive in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A nonviolent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al-Qaida’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism — it is a recognition of history, the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world’s sole military superpower.

Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions — not just treaties and declarations — that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest — because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other people's children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another — that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier’s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause and to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly irreconcilable truths — that war is sometimes necessary, and war is at some level an expression of human feelings. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions."

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

To begin with, I believe that all nations — strong and weak alike — must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I — like any head of state — reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards strengthens those who do, and isolates — and weakens — those who don’t.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait — a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America cannot insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don’t, our action can appear arbitrary, and undercut the legitimacy of future intervention — no matter how justified.

This becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.

America’s commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries — and other friends and allies — demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they have shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular. But I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That is why NATO continues to be indispensable. That is why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That is why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali — we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.

Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant — the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe that the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America’s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not just when it is easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken to the questions that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me turn now to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to change behavior — for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure — and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work toward disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I am working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia’s nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international law by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo or repression in Burma — there must be consequences. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point — the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based upon the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet all too often, these words are ignored. In some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation’s development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists — a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values.

I reject this choice. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please, choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America’s interests — nor the world’s — are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear to these movements that hope and history are on their side.

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach — and condemnation without discussion — can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolution’s horrors, Nixon’s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable — and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty, and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul’s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan’s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There is no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights — it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that is why helping farmers feed their own people — or nations educate their children and care for the sick — is not mere charity. It is also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, famine and mass displacement that will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and activists who call for swift and forceful action — it is military leaders in my country and others who understand that our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All of these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, or the staying power, to complete this work without something more — and that is the continued expansion of our moral imagination, an insistence that there is something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are, to understand that we all basically want the same things, that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet, given the dizzying pace of globalization, and the cultural leveling of modernity, it should come as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish about their particular identities — their race, their tribe and, perhaps most powerfully, their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.

Most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint — no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or even a person of one's own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but the purpose of faith — for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The nonviolence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached — their faith in human progress — must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith — if we dismiss it as silly or naive, if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace — then we lose what is best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago: "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man’s present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him."

So let us reach for the world that ought to be — that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Somewhere today, in the here and now, a soldier sees he's outgunned but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, who believes that a cruel world still has a place for his dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of deprivation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that — for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.





伸延閱覽:
The Nobel Peace Prize Committee 2009 Nobelprize.org
Barack Obama Nobelprize.org
Time for Hope Nobelprize.org
Nobel Week 2009 Nobelprize.org
The Nobel Prize Award Ceremonies and Banquets Nobelprize.org
Obama sending 30 thousands more troops into Afghanistan 谷歌新聞搜尋
President Hamid Karzai tells US security aid needed for 15-20 years 谷歌新聞搜尋
太太「演活」 高錕如臨諾獎台上 雅虎新聞網
太太代高錕發表的諾貝爾演說:Sand from centuries past; Send future voices fast.(英文原文) 明報網頁
奧巴馬:戰爭有時是必須 雅虎新聞網
奧巴馬促強硬對付朝鮮伊朗 雅虎新聞網
Barack Obama Nobel Peace Prize speech: Full transcript NYdailynews.com
Barack Obama Nobel Peace Prize speech 谷歌新聞搜尋
奧巴馬領和平獎:「戰爭為了公義」 雅虎新聞網
奧巴馬領和平奬﹕ 「義戰」有理 新浪新聞網
阿富汗戰爭 難符義戰條件 雅虎新聞網



Wednesday, December 09, 2009

Pot-smoking party girl – an "angel-faced killer"

Pot-smoking party girl – an "angel-faced killer"



這幾天蛇竇有人提出,有位22歲美國女學生,于2007年在意大利殺了她的英籍同房女子,上週五已被判26年的監禁,新聞報導說:最終可能會引發”意美“外交風波,云云!


《People.com》Two judges and six jurors in the Italian city of Perugia have a reached a verdict in the case of accused murderer Amanda Knox: guilty.

After nearly two years in jail, Knox, 22, was convicted on charges of masterminding the brutal murder of British roommate, Meredith Kercher, 21, in a sadistic sex game gone awry in 2007.

Alleged to have acted with her then-boyfriend Raffaele Sollecito, 25, Knox, a University of Washington student studying in Italy, was portrayed in the European press as an amoral, pot-smoking party girl – an "angel-faced killer," in one headline.

In testimony at her 11-month trial, Kercher's friends described what they considered Knox's bizarre behavior when she was brought into the police station for questioning the day after the murder.

Knox began doing cartwheels and handstands and snuggling with Sollecito. "We were all crying, and I didn't see Amanda crying," said Robyn Butterworth. "She and Raffaele were kissing and joking."

But on the stand, Knox explained: "When I feel uneasy or nervous, I act a bit foolish."

According to authorities, Knox gave conflicting statements about her whereabouts on the night of the murder. Yet the prosecution was not able to link her conclusively to the killing through DNA.

In a separate trial in October, 2008, Rudy Guede, a 20-year-old drifter from the Ivory Coast in Africa, was convicted of Kercher's murder and sentenced to 30 years.

Knox was sentenced to 26 years in prison.



吸食大麻的派對女子,在法庭上,當然不能穿上奇裝異服,打扮樸素的 Amanda Knox,就被塑造成鄰家女孩的形象,難怪歐洲的傳媒,《portrayed in the European press as an amoral, pot-smoking party girl – an "angel-faced killer," in one headline.》


以下是綜合CNN幾段報導輯成:

《CNN》Knox, 22, read a statement Thursday in the trial, which began in January in the university town of Perugia, 115 miles (185 kilometers) north of Rome, telling jurors she is not a killer.

Knox and Sollecito, who were arrested shortly after the slaying, were also charged with sexual violence. A third suspect was found guilty in a separate trial and is appealing. Knox testified in June that she was not home at the time of the slaying. Sollecito also denied any role in the killing.

The jury reached its verdict after deliberating nearly 11 hours on the 11 counts against Knox and Sollecito.

Defense attorney Luciano Ghirga rejected the suggestion that the American student hated her roommate, quoting Knox as having described the victim as her friend.

Prosecutors say Kercher died during a sex game in which Knox taunted Kercher while Sollecito and acquaintance Rudy Guede sexually assaulted her. Guede was convicted in a separate fast-track trial and is appealing. The prosecution said a knife found in Sollecito's house had Knox's DNA on the handle and Kercher's on the blade, among other pieces of evidence.

Knox's defense attorneys have tried to cast doubt on the knife, saying it matches neither Kercher's wounds nor a knife imprint left on a bed sheet. They also said the DNA sample is too small to be conclusive.

Knox and Raffaele Sollecito, who was sentenced to 25 years, were convicted on all charges except theft, and together must pay 5 million euros to the victim's family. In addition, Knox must pay 40,000 euros to a man whom she falsely accused of the killing.

Kercher was Knox's roommate in Perugia at the time of the November 2007 slaying.



我們不祇討論,有關于謀殺的過程,還包括美國人和英國人,各為自己的國人被殺和被控,各自各說。


《CNN》Knox's family insisted the verdict was unjust and vowed to appeal, and one of the senators from her home state of Washington publicly questioned the verdict minutes after it was announced.

"The prosecution did not present enough evidence for an impartial jury to conclude beyond a reasonable doubt that Ms. Knox was guilty," Sen. Maria Cantwell, a Democrat, said in a written statement. "Italian jurors were not sequestered and were allowed to view highly negative news coverage about Ms. Knox.

"Other flaws in the Italian justice system on display in this case included the harsh treatment of Ms. Knox following her arrest; negligent handling of evidence by investigators; and pending charges of misconduct against one of the prosecutors stemming from another murder trial," Cantwell said.

Kercher's family, from the United Kingdom, said they were satisfied with the verdict. Pressed on whether it was the right one, they said people should follow the evidence.

That evidence, however, is far from conclusive. The outstanding questions don't clearly favor either the defense or the prosecution; neither side seems to have presented an airtight argument.



而英國人的喉舌 BBC 又怎麼說呢?

《BBC》 American student Amanda Knox and her former boyfriend have been found guilty by an Italian court of the murder of British student Meredith Kercher.

Knox, 22, bowed her head and burst into tears as she was jailed for 26 years for murder and sexual violence. Italian Raffaele Sollecito, 25, looked impassive as he was given 25 years.

Miss Kercher, 21, a Leeds University student from Surrey, was found with her throat slit in Perugia in 2007. Knox had denied killing her in a sex game.

But prosecutors said Sollecito held her down while Knox stabbed her to death. The pair committed the killing with small-time drug dealer Rudy Guede, 22, who was jailed for 30 years for murder and sexual violence last October.

Police are still not certain why Knox, Sollecito and Guede were all at the house together, but they suspect it involved a drugs transaction.

They cornered Miss Kercher in her room and began some kind of sex game which ended with her being held down while Knox cut her throat with a six-inch kitchen knife. Her semi-naked body was found in a pool of blood.

Afterwards they tried to make the death look like part of a failed burglary, breaking the window in Miss Kercher's room to look like forced entry. But police realised it had been done from the inside.

Knox's odd behaviour after the body was found also aroused suspicions - she was reported to have performed a cartwheel and done the splits while waiting to be questioned by police.

After the judge read the verdict to a hushed court, Knox buried her head in her lawyer's chest and sobbed. Her sister Deanna wept uncontrollably as Knox was led out of court crying.

Miss Kercher's family lawyer, Francesco Maresca, said they were satisfied with the verdict. He said: "They got the justice they were expecting. We got what we were hoping for.

"With what we got with the Guede sentence last year, we have obtained truth and justice for this tragic event." The Kercher family are due to hold a press conference at a hotel in Perugia at 1000 GMT.

Knox's family, meanwhile, left court in tears, fighting through the crowds of journalists gathered outside. A spokesman for Knox's parents said they would immediately start the process of appealing against her guilty verdict.




美國人和英國人們『心中的一把尺』,當然絕然不同,而美國國務卿 Hillary Clinton drawn into row over conviction of Amanda Knox,由民間案件,攀上到外交層面。

《Timesonline》 A row broke out between Italy and the United States today over the conviction of the American student Amanda Knox for the murder of her British flatmate Meredith Kercher.

Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, was drawn into the battle to overturn the verdict on the grounds that it was a miscarriage of justice and the result of Italian anti-Americanism.

Senator Maria Cantwell, from Washington state, the Knox family's home state, said that there were serious questions about the Italian justice system and that she feared the judge and jury had been influenced by anti-American feeling.

"The prosecution did not present enough evidence for an impartial jury to conclude beyond a reasonable doubt that Miss Knox was guilty," the senator said. "Italian jurors were allowed to view highly negative news coverage about Miss Knox."

She said that Knox had been the victim of "harsh treatment", a reference to claims – denied by Italian police – that she was put under pressure during 53 hours of interrogation after the murder and twice struck on the head.

Asked on US television about the trial Mrs Clinton said she had not had time to study the matter and could not offer an opinion, but would meet with Senator Cantwell "or anyone who has a concern".

Headlines in today's Italian newspapers included "Hillary steps in to the Amanda case" and "Clinton intervenes in Perugia trial".



睇戲!睇戲!擔定凳子睇戲!


伸延閱覽:
Amanda Knox 谷歌搜尋
Image results for Amanda Knox 谷歌搜尋
American Student Amanda Knox Guilty of Murder in Italy People.com
Amanda Knox not an angel but a she-devil Times Online
Knox 'ready to fight on,' parents say CNN
Knox verdict leaves many questions unanswered CNN
Amanda Knox prosecutor: We had a strong case CNN
BBC news amanda knox 谷歌搜尋
Hillary Clinton drawn into row over conviction of Amanda Knox Timesonline.co.uk
Hillary Clinton drawn into Knox's Case 谷歌搜尋
Amanda Knox's family Interviewed Seattletimes


Tuesday, December 08, 2009

心中的一把尺



張小嫻新書:「世上最遙遠的距離,不是生與死的距離,不是天各一方,而是我就站在你面前,你卻不知道我愛你。」

電影 The painted Veil 愛在遙遠的附近:「Sometimes the greatest journey is the distance between two people!」


上面所談的 《距離 Distance》,是感覺上的《距離 Distance》,不是一般可以量度的《距離 Distance》,不可以用公哩、公呎、公分去量度,去理解。究竟怎去量度呢?這就各人不同,因為每個人都有『心中的一把尺』。


要了解這把尺,最簡單的就是我們常說的:『情人眼裡出西施!』不用細表,各位都清楚明白。這把尺是有頗高和很強的《彈性 elasticity》,好的時候,就算是對方的缺點,都會全部轉化成為優點,相反來說:『反轉就是豬肚』,對方每件事,都變成看不順眼,可以諸多挑剔。


而『心中的一把尺』,更容易同時產生『雙重標準』,有謂:『律己以寬、責人以嚴!』別人的小小疏忽,稍稍待慢了,就把從前別人,給予的一切的幫忙,賦予所有的恩惠,立刻抹清,反目成仇。卻沒有看看自己,又可曾善待和報答人家呢?


『心中的一把尺』是把無形的尺,當暫時未能去“度人”時,就去“瞎猜”一番,有謂:『猜度!』猜完又度,度完又猜,猜完又度,度完又猜,『以小人之心、度君子之腹。』把別人的好心,當作狗肺處理。


究竟『人之初、性本善!』還是『人之初、性本惡!』呢?暫且放下不談。想想這『心中的一把尺』,的確實是在人的心中一早存在,隨著年齡而生長凝成,雖然沒法觸摸,確實就存在心中。

英諺:“One man's meat is another man's poison.” 意謂:閣下認為的美食,可能是別人的砒霜!所有關於抽象的標準,例如:美與醜、光與暗、正與邪、褒與貶、廉與恥、榮與辱、好與壞、對與錯、恩與仇等等,就是靠著『心中的一把尺』來量度處理。


就算根據不涉及宗教的 Orthodox,用文字寫下來的約成標準,甚至律法, 都不可能是絕對的。 那麼我所談的『心中的一把尺』,是否等如我們所常談及的『人的良知』呢?


【百度百科】良知,是人的一種天賦的道德觀念,就是孟子所說的“不慮而知”,王陽明所說的“不假外求”,是生而知之,而且是“被聖靈充滿”的優良之知。 王陽明所謂“良知”,“只是個是非之心”,也就是“天理”、“天則”、“道”。 他說:“鄙夫自知的是非便是他本來天則”,“良知即是道”,“良知即是天理”。 如“人皆有之”、“非由外鑠”的惻隱之心、羞惡之心、恭敬之心、是非之心,即“仁義禮智”,等等。


嗌!讀完【百度百科】的 definition ,我又再勘入思考中,個人覺得【百度百科】所指的『良知』有著較“正面”傾向,而『心中的一把尺』,可以反映出“正面”和”反面“的兩極化。


『心中的一把尺』可以度人以長,也可以度人以短,正反兩面的反應,都會因為『心中的一把尺』而產生,可以是 正 positive,也可以是 負 negative 的。好明顯的一個例子,就是產生嫉妒之心,妒忌別人比自己美麗,妒忌比自己成功,妒忌比自己富有等等,但又厭惡別人比自己差,不及自己,俗語有云:『猙人富貴厭人窮!』就是這種心理。


另一個常常出現的現象,就是『見高就拜、見低就踩!』因為有了『心中的一把尺』,可以量度地位的高與低,而作出 reflex action 自然反應,involuntary action 不隨意肌自動去拜高的。不過還好,很多時候,還可控制得著,不至于真的去踩低的,但在心中踩人,就很難避免了。


『狗眼看人低!』連狗都懂得,何況人呢?人們『心中的一把尺』,應該點去利用呢?人各有志!


本人就希望能做到 ,【論語】~《里仁篇》中,

孔子曰:『見賢!思齊焉。見不賢!宜內自省也。』




伸延閱覽:
The Painted Veil (電影) IMDB網頁
The Painted Veil 維基百科
張小嫻部落 官方網頁
張小嫻新書 Openbooknet
Orthodox 谷歌搜尋
One man's meat is another man's poison 谷歌搜尋
良知 百度百科
【論語】~《里仁篇》 谷歌搜尋



我的舊文:
《純真》


Sunday, December 06, 2009

誰能當主角?

誰能當主角?




電影有“下一站~天后 DIVA Ah Hey”,是我罕有去用十元,買來VCD看的粵語電影。




故事:
在漁村長大的金帶喜(蔡卓妍)有把甜美的嗓子,她渴望可以成為歌星,暗差陽錯,卻成為 Shadow(周麗淇)的貼身保姆(即是跟班助手),Shadow 的歌其實唱得不好,所以半紅不黑,漸漸被聽眾觀眾遺忘。

一次錄音室試唱,帶喜的歌聲被錄低了,錯誤當是 Shadow 唱的,新的歌曲“下一站天后”一出街,嘩!不得了!但又怎樣繼續為 Shadow 遮瞞呢?而與 Shadow 競爭激烈的 Icy,她和她的經理人,就銳意拆穿這個秘密。 咁!就在一次 Shadow 要現場演唱主題曲“下一站天后”時 。。。 。。。。 點收科呢?

帶喜在幕後為 Shadow 代唱,但要穿的必定會穿,娛樂記者和攝影師,閃光燈不斷的閃著,包圍著 Shadow 和 帶喜,嚇怕了帶喜,她抖震著、哭泣著、惶恐著,當父親來接她時,就走上前要回家去。

最後有日本的星探,想邀請帶喜到日本受訓,準備把她捧紅,一眾來到小漁村找帶喜。經過上次,帶喜悟出她仍然太年輕,未能面對壓力,她還未準備好當主角,她婉拒了邀請,說她雖然仍然很喜歡唱歌,但想先回到學校,讀多幾年書,讓自己積聚多些人生經驗,再去尋找自己的理想,云云!

要當主角,縱有才華,還有其他當主角的條件,條件未齊,勉勉強強,所謂高處不勝寒。寫出《法家》巨著『韓非子』一書的 韓非,他和同門 李斯,兩人就是好例子。


【維基百科】韓非為韓國的公子,與李斯一同拜荀子門下學習。在韓非的年代,韓國為戰國七雄中最弱。韓非因有口吃之毛病,多次上書韓王游說,皆不為所用。

之後《韓非子》一書傳到秦國,書中《孤憤》、《五蠹》內容被秦王嬴政佩服:「嗟乎,寡人得見此人,與之游,死不恨矣」李斯說:「此韓非之所著書也。」便以戰爭為要脅,逼韓非出使秦國。

韓非到秦國後,受到秦王政的欣賞,準備重用他,但招李斯忌妒,對秦王進讒言,陷害韓非入獄,最後在獄中服毒自盡。

又有一說,秦王想念下獄後的韓非,被李斯察覺,於是李斯先下手為強,派人毒殺韓非


韓非雖然滿腹經綸,他把自己的思想、理論、學說,寫成文字,可惜他是有口吃的,語言的表達能力差,還有他還未夠班和不夠奸狡,就算李斯沒有加害他,始終都不是主角之材,遲早被秦王殺掉。

現實生活,在辦公室裡政治復雜,合縱連橫,沒有一定的朋友,沒有一定的敵人,但誰能當主角呢?在面對一班 Peers,平起平坐的中層管理 middle management,大家都是行內人,祇要準備充足,共用行內人語 jargon,開會時兵來將擋,水來土掩,見招拆招,冇有怕也!

但去到開地區性會議 regional conference,開全球性會議 global conference,面對的是 regional management 的 regional manager regional director regional senior VP (SVP),更可能是 Global Management 的 global manager global director global executive VP (EVP),哈哈哈!

這班大番薯,已經升上神臺已久,久不掂任何 hand-on 的日常工作,他們指揮的是政策性、策略性、決策性的責任,向他們推介和匯報地區性的新產品 new product,他們就總是聽不懂,更不會容易完全明白。

另外一批大番薯,就是早坐高位,因為他們是世家後代,靠有一班世叔伯們射著,得閒去高爾夫球場,一邊打波,一邊推介一下 new products 新產品。

Managing People is an ART,Presentation Skill is a GIFT,我的老闆,她不僅能管人、治人、用人外,還極能迅速轉化,將復雜的化成為簡單,容易明白的一般用語 layman languages,很有急才,不到我不服,所以多年來,她才是主角,我乖乖地為她工作,安份當我的小配角,繼續做我的大咖哩啡!

所以我常說,我很佩服別人有急才,能把 jargon 化成 layman terms,能夠深入淺出解釋事件,能夠用小故事解釋大道理。 後記: 中國人還有一句:『功高蓋主!』 自己實力、勢力、功力未齊時,切忌過份鋒芒太露,輕者被人燉冬菇,擺上枱當炮灰,重者招致殺身之禍,永不昭生。



伸延閱覽:
下一站~天后 維基百科
下一站~天后 百度百科
《韓非子》全文 諸子百家



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