My Facebook 新增面書 心空海嶽 by the inner space 歡迎光臨 Welcome in

「我離港前到過一間精神科醫院。當時有位病人禮貌地問,一個以作為世上最悠久民主政體而自傲的國家,如何能夠將此地交給一個政治制度非常不同的國家,且既沒諮詢當地公民,又沒給予他們民主的前景,好讓他們捍衞自己的將來。一個隨行同事說,奇怪,香港提出最理智問題的人,竟在精神科醫院。」彭定康 金融時報

“During a visit to a mental hospital before I left Hong Kong, a patient politely asked me how a country that prided itself on being the oldest democracy in the world had come to be handing over his city to another country with a very different system of government, without either consulting the citizens or giving them the prospect of democracy to safeguard their future. Strange, said one of my aides, that the man with the sanest question in Hong Kong is in a mental hospital.”Chris Patten Financial Times

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Wednesday, January 12, 2011



中國外交部長 楊潔篪,在 華盛頓 和 美國國務卿 希拉莉 克林頓女士 會面,商討 胡錦濤主席即將訪美的細節。剛巧遇見了 奧巴馬總統 (哈哈哈!是經過安排的巧合吧!)。滑頭的 奧巴馬 當然又出出口術,說了一大串「期待胡主席到訪」,我們究竟相信幾多成呢? 大家心裡有數吧!


How to Stay Friends With China By ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI
【New York Times Published: January 2, 2011】THE visit by President Hu Jintao of China to Washington this month will be the most important top-level United States-Chinese encounter since Deng Xiaoping’s historic trip more than 30 years ago. It should therefore yield more than the usual boilerplate professions of mutual esteem. It should aim for a definition of the relationship between the two countries that does justice to the global promise of constructive cooperation between them.

I remember Deng’s visit well, as I was national security adviser at the time. It took place in an era of Soviet expansionism, and crystallized United States-Chinese efforts to oppose it. It also marked the beginning of China’s three-decades-long economic transformation — one facilitated by its new diplomatic ties to the United States.

President Hu’s visit takes place in a different climate. There are growing uncertainties regarding the state of the bilateral relationship, as well as concerns in Asia over China’s longer-range geopolitical aspirations. These uncertainties are casting a shadow over the upcoming meeting.

In recent months there has been a steady increase in polemics in the United States and China, with each side accusing the other of pursuing economic policies that run contrary to accepted international rules. Each has described the other as selfish. Longstanding differences between the American and the Chinese notions of human rights were accentuated by the awarding of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to a Chinese dissident.

Moreover, each side has unintentionally intensified the suspicions of the other. Washington’s decisions to help India with nuclear energy have stimulated China’s unease, prompting increased Chinese support for Pakistan’s desire to expand its own nuclear energy potential.

China’s seeming lack of concern over North Korea’s violent skirmishes with South Korea has given rise to apprehension about China’s policy on the Korean peninsula. And just as America’s unilateralism has in recent years needlessly antagonized some of its friends, so China should note that some of its recent stands have worried its neighbors.

The worst outcome for Asia’s long-term stability as well as for the American-Chinese relationship would be a drift into escalating reciprocal demonization. What’s more, the temptations to follow such a course are likely to grow as both countries face difficulties at home.

The pressures are real. The United States’ need for comprehensive domestic renewal, for instance, is in many respects the price of having shouldered the burdens of waging the 40-year cold war, and it is in part the price of having neglected for the last 20 years mounting evidence of its own domestic obsolescence. Our weakening infrastructure is merely a symptom of the country’s slide backward into the 20th century.

China, meanwhile, is struggling to manage an overheated economy within an inflexible political system. Some pronouncements by Chinese commentators smack of premature triumphalism regarding both China’s domestic transformation and its global role. (Those Chinese leaders who still take Marxist classics seriously might do well to re-read Stalin’s message of 1930 to the party cadres titled “Dizzy With Success,” which warned against “a spirit of vanity and conceit.”)

Thirty years after their collaborative relationship started, the United States and China should not flinch from a forthright discussion of their differences — but they should undertake it with the knowledge that each needs the other.

A failure to consolidate and widen their cooperation would damage not just both nations but the world as a whole. Neither side should delude itself that it can avoid the harm caused by an increased mutual antagonism; both should understand that a crisis in one country can hurt the other.

For the visit to be more than symbolic, Presidents Obama and Hu should make a serious effort to codify in a joint declaration the historic potential of productive American-Chinese cooperation. They should outline the principles that should guide it. They should declare their commitment to the concept that the American-Chinese partnership should have a wider mission than national self-interest. That partnership should be guided by the moral imperatives of the 21st century’s unprecedented global interdependence.

The declaration should set in motion a process for defining common political, economic and social goals. It should acknowledge frankly the reality of some disagreements as well as register a shared determination to seek ways of narrowing the ranges of such disagreements. It should also take note of potential threats to security in areas of mutual concern, and commit both sides to enhanced consultations and collaboration in coping with them.

Such a joint charter should, in effect, provide the framework not only for avoiding what under some circumstances could become a hostile rivalry but also for expanding a realistic collaboration between the United States and China. This would do justice to a vital relationship between two great nations of strikingly different histories, identities and cultures — yet both endowed with a historically important global role.

Zbigniew Brzezinski was the national security adviser in the Carter administration.

【維基百科】Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski (Polish: Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzeziński, pronounced [ˈzbiɡɲev bʐɛˈʑiĩ̯ski]; born March 28, 1928) is a Polish American political scientist, geostrategist, and statesman who served as United States National Security Advisor to President Jimmy Carter from 1977 to 1981.

如何與中國繼續做朋友 美國《紐約時報》1月2日評論版文章
作者:布熱津斯基(Zbigniew Brzezinski,美國前國家安全顧問)













話就話中國不願做美國的敵人,不想和美國對抗,但事實上中國已經避無可避,美國政府一定要有一個假想敵,去團結國人,去支持她的龐大軍費預算 budget,美國剛剛多派美軍到阿富汗,那邊廂又話五年內,要 cut 國防筆窒 780億美元,但這邊廂,卻派出第三個核子航空母艦戰闘羣來到西太平洋。

一組是“華盛頓號”核子航空母艦擺在中國黃海,另一組是“列根號”核子航空母艦擺在中國南海,最遠的一組,即是第三組“卡爾文森號”核子航空母艦擺在中國東海,不計支援的機種,戰闘用途飛機多達四百餘架。就在此時此刻,美國接待 胡主席 國是訪問華盛頓,背後有甚麽企圖 secret agenda 呢?

中國是否還要迴避與美國對抗?看看現今形勢,三個核子航空母艦戰闘羣,四百餘戰機,就在中國門口會師,美國人擺開的戰闘架式,中國已經是避無可避,那就唯有面對事實,下定決心。 胡主席在華盛頓應該要“示威”還是“示弱”呢?

一天後,明報社評 發表了文章:
中美關係趨向新形態 務實抬頭對抗又合作




單一關係形態 現已不合時宜






美經濟端視中國 中國需美高科技

How to Stay Friends With China Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski
Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski 維基百科
如何與中國繼續做朋友 雅虎新聞網
美國國防部將在未來5年內削減780億美元的國防開支 谷歌新聞搜尋
美國派第三個核子航空母艦戰闘群到西太平洋 谷歌新聞搜尋
中美關係趨向新形態 務實抬頭對抗又合作 谷歌新聞網


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