「我離港前到過一間精神科醫院。當時有位病人禮貌地問,一個以作為世上最悠久民主政體而自傲的國家,如何能夠將此地交給一個政治制度非常不同的國家,且既沒諮詢當地公民,又沒給予他們民主的前景,好讓他們捍衞自己的將來。一個隨行同事說,奇怪,香港提出最理智問題的人,竟在精神科醫院。」彭定康 金融時報

“During a visit to a mental hospital before I left Hong Kong, a patient politely asked me how a country that prided itself on being the oldest democracy in the world had come to be handing over his city to another country with a very different system of government, without either consulting the citizens or giving them the prospect of democracy to safeguard their future. Strange, said one of my aides, that the man with the sanest question in Hong Kong is in a mental hospital.”Chris Patten Financial Times

Non Chinese literate friends, please simply switch to English Version provided by LOUSY Google Translation

Please participate in the unregistered demography survey of visitors at the right hand side bar. You are: ?

敬請參與在右下方的不記名訪客分佈調查問卷,你是: ?

Thursday, June 04, 2009



...「六四事件」前,《文匯報》的社論開天窗,只刊出「痛心疾首」 四個大字。李子誦先生當年主理的文匯報開了天窗﹐今天我東施效顰﹐Imitation is the sincerest form of Flattery﹐模仿就是最由衷的擦鞋!

二十年了﹐還是一句 。。。。。。。。。。。。「無語問蒼天!」

二十年過去了!我是還留著留著 。。。。。。。


右邊的『九十年代』雜誌 89/6月號,是六月六日在天地圖書購買,十五元正,存有發票證明。

左邊的『悲壯的民運』圖片集 89/6 第三次版,是由當年查良鏞先生仍然執掌的明報編印,六月廿八日在天地圖書購買,二十元正,存有發票證明。






共和國的旗幟上 有我們血染的風采。


共和國的旗幟上 有我們血染的風采。






共和國的土壤裡 有我們付出的愛。


共和國的土壤裡 有我們付出的愛。

血染的風采 。。。。。。。。。。






【明報特譯】20年前的6月4日,不少外國傳媒記者在天安門廣場採訪,本文作者 Dan Southerland 當時正於北京採訪。 美國《華盛頓郵報》
6月2日評論版文章 Dan Southerland








Tiananmen: Days to Remember - By Dan Southerland
《Wahshington Post Tuesday, June 2, 2009》Two years ago I met a Chinese student who was entering graduate school in the United States. I told her I had been in Beijing during "6-4," the Chinese shorthand for the massacre of June 4, 1989.

"What are you talking about?" she asked.

At first I thought she might not have understood my Chinese, but it soon became clear that "June 4" meant nothing to her. I probably shouldn't have been surprised.

In the 20 years since that day in 1989 when Chinese troops opened fire on unarmed civilians near Tiananmen Square, Chinese censors have managed to erase all mention of that tragedy from the country's textbooks and state-run media.

But for me, Tiananmen is impossible to forget. As Beijing bureau chief for The Post, I covered the student demonstrations that began in mid-April, tried to track a murky power struggle among top Chinese leaders and managed a small team of young, Chinese-speaking American reporters.

What I remember best was the sudden openness of many Beijing citizens of all professions. They were inspired by throngs of students calling for political reform, media freedom and an end to "official profiteering."

People I believed to be Communist Party supporters were suddenly telling me what they really thought. Some who had been silent in the past even debated politics on street corners.

In early May, Chinese journalists petitioned for the right to report openly on the Tiananmen protests, which on May 17 swelled to more than a million people marching in the capital. Journalists from all the leading Chinese newspapers, including the People's Daily, the mouthpiece of the Communist Party, joined in. Their slogan was "Don't force us to lie."

For a brief period, Chinese journalists were allowed to report objectively on the student protests. But this press freedom was short-lived and ended May 20 with the imposition of martial law and the entry of the People's Liberation Army into Beijing.

At first, Beijing residents manning makeshift barriers blocked the troops. But late on the evening of June 3, tanks, armored personnel carriers and soldiers firing automatic weapons broke through to the square.

The death toll quickly became a taboo subject for Chinese media.

Chinese doctors and nurses who had openly sided with students on the square, and who had allowed reporters into operating rooms to view the wounded, came under pressure to conceal casualty figures.

One brave doctor at a hospital not far from Tiananmen Square led me and a colleague to a makeshift morgue, where we saw some 20 bullet-riddled bodies laid out on a cement floor. I later learned that the doctor was "disciplined" for allowing us to view that scene.

A Chinese journalist I considered a friend tried to convince me that government estimates of fewer than 300 killed were correct and that these included a large number of military and police casualties. I later learned from colleagues of his that this journalist was working for state security.

After comparing notes with others, my guess was that the actual death toll was at least 700, and that most of those killed were ordinary Beijing residents.

It's almost incredible that the Chinese government has succeeded for so long in covering up a tragedy of this magnitude.

But for those who closely monitor the continued repression of civil liberties in China -- and the government's stranglehold on news deemed "sensitive" -- it's not surprising.

Chinese authorities continue to intimidate reporters, block Web sites and jam broadcasts of outside news organizations. China is the world's leading jailer of journalists and cyber-dissidents.

Chinese youths are among the most Web-savvy in the world. But Chinese search engines, chat and blog applications, as well as Internet service providers, are equipped with filters that block out certain keywords incorporated in a blacklist that is continually updated.

China's censorship is multipronged, sometimes heavy-handed and sometimes sophisticated, allowing debate on some issues and shutting it down on others, such as Tiananmen.

Censors hold online service providers and Internet cafe owners responsible for the content that users read and post. A small blogging service will usually err on the side of caution rather than lose its license because of a debate about June 4.

Lines that cannot be crossed shift from time to time, leaving citizens uncertain and therefore prone to self-censorship.

The good news is that the blackout isn't complete. We know from Radio Free Asia's call-in shows that some younger Chinese know just enough about Tiananmen to want to learn more.

I work with several Chinese broadcasters who were students in Beijing on June 4. Many of them saw more than I did. And they are here to remind me -- and many Chinese -- of a history we should never forget.

The writer is executive editor of the congressionally funded network Radio Free Asia. He was chief of The Post's Beijing bureau from 1985 to 1990.

天安門:值得記住的日子 Dan Southerland 明報特譯
Dan Southerland - Tiananmen: Days to Remember Wahshington Post



Haricot 微豆 said...

Thank you for sharing the YouTube video. According to the CBC documentary last night, it seems China's new generation does not feel strongly abt 6/4. They are more concerned with finding jobs after graduation.

新鮮人 said...

另外, 時間也把六四的焦點模糊了,

macy said...


左面的一本我也有買, 現在仍然保存住, 加一些當年的剪報, 不想拿出, 但每次翻看都很沉重吖!

exile from hk said...

Thank you for the video. I send it to all my friends in the U.S. Even though a lot of them won't understand the song but the video speaks for itself.

the inner space said...

Hari big brother, this youtube video was used for the first June 4 when I started my blogging. So far I have not changed. I have no intention to force youngsters to learn about June 4th 1989, but information is always available if anyone wishes to know more.

the inner space said...


the inner space said...

Macy 姐:保存歷史是最佳的方法去紀念六四。我還儲有四大包,八九年由四月十五日起到六月尾的香港報章。

the inner space said...

Exile, you are welcome! For non Chinese proficient friends I believe a narrative note may help them to understand more about the video.
This video encompassed the start of new China, followed by the death of Chairman Mao.
Then the rise of Deng xiao-ping, Hu yao-bang, Zhao zi-yang,for the reforms.
Then the death of Hu yao-bang on April 15th 1989 that led to the 89 Student Movement, with a tragic ending.